971 resultados para Post-communist transition
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BACKGROUND: South Africa (SA) is experiencing a rapid epidemiologic transition as a consequence of political, economic and social changes. In this study we described, based on hospital data, the mortality patterns of Non communicable Diseases (NCD), Communicable Diseases (CD), the NCD/CD ratios, and the trends of deaths. METHODS: We conducted a cross-sectional survey of all deaths occurring in several public hospitals in the Eastern Cape Province of SA between 2002 and 2006. Causes of deaths were coded according to the ICD 10 Edition. RESULTS: A total of 107380 admissions responded to the inclusion criteria between 2002 and 2006. The crude death rate was 4.3% (n=4566) with a mean age of 46±21 years and a sex ratio of 3.1 men (n=3453): 1 woman (n=1113). Out of all deaths, there were 62.9% NCD (n=2872) vs. 37.1% CD (n=1694) with NCD/CD ratio of 1.7. The ratio NCD/CD deaths in men was 1.3 (n=1951/1502) vs. NCD/CD deaths in women of 1.9 (n=735/378). The peak of deaths was observed in winter season. The majority of NCD deaths were at age of 30-64 years, whereas the highest rate of CD deaths was at age< 30 years. The trend of deaths including the majority of NCD, increased from 2002 to 2006. There was a tendency of increase in tuberculosis deaths, but a tendency of decrease in HIV/AIDS deaths was from 2002 to 2006. CONCLUSION: Non-communicable diseases are the leading causes of deaths in rural Eastern Cape province of SA facing Post-epidemiologic transition stages. We recommend overarching priority actions for the response to the Non-communicable Diseases: policy change, prevention, treatment, international cooperation, research, monitoring, accountability, and re-orientation of health systems.
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Ce triptyque d’essais présente le caractère versatile et évasif du concept moderne de capital social à plusieurs niveaux – global, national et régional, ainsi que dans le présent et dans le passé. Le premier article conteste l’hypothèse prédominante selon laquelle il y a une cohabitation entre l’engagement civique et la démocratie. Malgré sa validité au niveau général, la relation n’est pas confirmée si les catégories hétérogènes sont désagrégées. Pour les pays post-communistes de l'Europe, la relation entre le type de régime et la tendance de s'associer ressemble à celle des démocraties latines consolidées si la participation dans les associations volontaires est choisie comme mesure de la vitalité du capital social. Par conséquent, la vie civique moins intense ne prédit pas de difficultés pour la démocratie. Le deuxième article est une compilation originale de plus de 100 organisations classifiées selon les standards contemporains et une collection de présentations d'une douzaine d'organisations bulgares, les plus populaires depuis le XIXème siècle. Cette contribution importante à l’historiographie de la vie associative bulgare jusqu’à 1944 est le résultat d'un travail qui combine des entrevues avec des historiens et une recherche dans les archives. Le panoptique organisationnel sert de réfutation empirique de l’hypothèse qui attribue la faiblesse organisationnelle présente du poste-communisme à la pénurie de vie organisationnelle développée par le passé. ii Les mérites du troisième article sont doubles. Au niveau empirique on démontre que l’organisation culturelle la plus importante en Bulgarie a apparu comme une institution nationaliste imitant les organisations similaires des autres pays Européens. Elle s’est développée graduellement par une adaptation des expériences étrangères aux conditions locales. La collection des références bulgares est unique et représente le produit d’un travail méticuleux sur les documents et les entrevues. Au niveau abstrait, on confirme l’applicabilité de la théorie du transfert de la politique publique à un cas historique existant avant la théorie elle-même. Finalement, l’analyse détaillée des précurseurs du cabinet de lecture bulgare représente une contribution à la sociologie politique de l’histoire de la lecture. Mots clés: Europe de l’Est, poste-communisme, démocratie, société civile, engagement civique, organisations volontaires, troisième secteur, affiliation, transfert d'idées, apprentissage organisationnel.
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À la fin de l’année 1989, la Roumanie entamait son chemin vers la démocratie. Depuis, le pays a connu de nombreux changements dont une « revitalisation religieuse ». L’attrait pour la religion en Roumanie a suscité l’intérêt des chercheurs qui ont tenté de rendre compte de comportements qu’ils jugeaient contraires aux thèses des théories de la sécularisation et de la modernisation. Ma thèse part d’une critique de ces études qui, concentrées sur ces théories, omettent trop souvent l’action des individus dans la vie de tous les jours. Dans la présente recherche, j’utilise l’approche de la religion vécue pour me pencher sur des individus et leur manière de comprendre, d’exprimer, de pratiquer et d’expérimenter la religion au jour le jour. D’une manière réflexive, ma thèse examine la religion vécue dans la Roumanie postcommuniste à partir de pèlerinages réalisés durant le printemps et l’automne 2012 dans des monastères réputés pour leurs miracles, leurs confesseurs charismatiques ou leurs reliques. En raison de leur présence nombreuse dans les pèlerinages, les femmes se sont imposées comme les artisanes de la religion vécue en Roumanie. Elles sont au centre de ma thèse. En observant leurs croyances et leurs pratiques — et sans omettre la religion vécue des « porteurs de la religion officielle » —, j’explore des thèmes qui constituent autant de facettes de la religion vécue : le sort, le charisme, la matérialité et les reliques. Ma thèse propose deux contributions à la recherche. 1) L’étude de la pratique de la religion des pèlerines nous renseigne sur la manière dont la religion est comprise et pratiquée dans un contexte orthodoxe. Elle laisse également entrevoir les conséquences de cette pratique dans la Roumanie postcommuniste : en effet, la religion vécue s’avère un véhicule de valeurs qui s’opposent au discours démocratique officiel. 2) L’étude propose une contribution théorique et méthodologique à l’approche de la religion vécue. Le matériau empirique sur lequel elle repose indique que la religion vécue prend racine dans l’Église pour ensuite circuler entre les femmes et les représentants de l’institution. Dans ce mouvement de va-et-vient, la religion vécue appartient aux pèlerines, mais aussi aux « porteurs de la religion officielle ».
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La corrupción sigue siendo uno de los principales problemas del Estado de Derecho en el siglo XXI. Su incidencia reduce la eficacia de la inversión, aumenta el valor de los bienes y servicios, reduce la competitividad de las empresas, vulnera la confianza de los ciudadanos en el ordenamiento jurídico y sobre todo condena a la miseria a quienes deben ser destinatarios de las políticas públicas.Sin embrago, la lucha que han realizado muchos gobiernos y funcionarios judiciales contra este fenómeno ha modificado sus formas de aparición, pues es cada vez menos frecuente la apropiación directa de los caudales públicos o la entrega de sobornos a los funcionarios, prefiriéndose métodos mucho más sutiles como los sobrecostos, la subcontratación masiva o la constitución de complicadas sociedades, en las cuales tienen participación los funcionarios públicos o sus familias.Este libro constituye un esfuerzo por el estudio jurídico y criminológico de la corrupción y los delitos contra la administración pública en Europa y Latinoamérica y reúne la selección de los temas penales más relevantes de la tesis doctoral del profesor Carlos Guillermo Castro Cuenca, denominada Aproximación a la Corrupción en la contratación pública y defendida en la universidad de Salamanca en febrero de 2008, con lo cual obtuvo la calificación de sobresaliente por unanimidad.
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This article illustrates the usefulness of applying bootstrap procedures to total factor productivity Malmquist indices, derived with data envelopment analysis (DEA), for a sample of 250 Polish farms during 1996-2000. The confidence intervals constructed as in Simar and Wilson suggest that the common portrayal of productivity decline in Polish agriculture may be misleading. However, a cluster analysis based on bootstrap confidence intervals reveals that important policy conclusions can be drawn regarding productivity enhancement.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to assess and highlight the approach taken towards the legal control of illicit money laundering taken in the Republic of Kazakhstan, in particular, the role played by an amnesty on the legalisation of illicit funds. This is particularly important as a basis for a wider discussion about the proper limits of the “criminalising” approaches commonly taken in anti-money laundering regulations. Design/methodology/approach The discussion and evaluation in the paper is based upon a conceptual analysis of the money laundering regime in Kazakhstan, in particular, the legal framework and policies of implementation adopted. Findings The paper demonstrates that the problems that are posed by the shadow economy in post-Soviet transition societies can make the blanket criminalisation of money laundering a self-defeating approach, unless accompanied by measures which allow for the achievement of “market-constituting” effects. Research limitations/implications The paper draws on experience and practice in one jurisdiction only (Kazakhstan); it also limits its focus to one particular example of a money laundering amnesty policy. Both of these limitations, therefore, suggest avenues for further comparative research. Originality/value The paper’s conclusions about the interactions between the shadow economies of transitional societies and the global anti-money laundering agenda have wider application in assessments of international law in this area.
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This paper studies the impact of exogenous and endogenous shocks (exogenous shock is used interchangeably with external shock; endogenous shock is used interchangeably with domestic shock) on output fluctuations in post-communist countries during the 2000s. The first part presents the analytical framework and formulates a research hypothesis. The second part presents vector autoregressive estimation and analysis model proposed by Pesaran (2004) and Pesaran and Smith (2006) that relates bank real lending, the cyclical component of output and spreads and accounts for cross-sectional dependence (CD) across the countries. Impulse response functions show that exogenous positive shock lead to a drop in output sustainability for 9 over 12 Central Eastern European countries and Russia, when the endogenous shock is mild and ambiguous. Moreover, the effect of exogenous shock is more significant during the crises. Variance decompositions show that exogenous shock in the aftermath of crisis had a substantial impact on economic activity of emerging economies.
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Purpose We study particular structural and organisational factors affecting the formality of human resource management (HRM) practices in small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in South-Eastern European (SEE) post-communist countries, in particular Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) in order to understand the antecedents of formalization in such settings. Design/methodology/approach Adopting a quantitative approach, this study analyses data gathered through a survey of 168 managers of SMEs from throughout the region. Findings The results show that HRM in SMEs in the SEE region can be understood through a three-fold framework which includes: degree of internationalisation of SMEs, sector of SMEs and organisational size of SMEs. These three factors positively affect the level of HRM formalisation in SEE SMEs. These findings are further attributed to the particular political and economic context of the post-communist SEE region. Research limitations/implications Although specific criteria were set for SME selection, we do not suggest that the study reflects a representative picture of the SEE region because we used a purposive sampling methodology. Practical implications This article provides useful insights into the factors which influence HRM in SMEs in a particular context. The findings can help business owners and managers understand how HRM can be applied in smaller organisations, particularly in post-communist SEE business contexts. Originality/value HRM in SMEs in this region has hardly been studied at all despite their importance. Therefore, this exploratory research seeks to expand knowledge relating to the application of HRM in SMEs in SEE countries which have their business environments dominated by different dynamics in comparison to western European ones.
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The end of the Neoproterozoic era is punctuated by two global glacial events marked by the presence of glacial deposits overlaid by cap carbonates. Duration of glacial intervals is now consistently constrained to 3-12 million years but the duration of the post-glacial transition is more controversial due to the uncertainty in cap dolostone sedimentation rates. Indeed, the presence of several stratabound magnetic reversals in Brazilian cap dolostones recently questioned the short sedimentation duration (a few thousand years at most) that was initially suggested for these rocks. Here, we present new detailed magnetostratigraphic data of the Mirassol d`Oeste cap dolostones (Mato Grosso, Brazil) and ""bomb-spike"" calibrated AMS (14)C data of microbial mats from the Lagoa Vermelha (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil). We also compile sedimentary, isotopic and microbiological data from post-Marinoan outcrops and/or recent depositional analogues in order to discuss the deposition rate of Marinoan cap dolostones and to infer an estimation of the deglaciation duration in the snowball Earth aftermath. Taken together, the various data point to a sedimentation duration in the range of a few 10(5) years. (C) 2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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Propremiar or pro-president? On the distinction between parliamentarism, presitentialism and semi-presidentialism. From comparative research on the constitutional development in Central and Eastern Europe and also from the longstanding debate on whether parliamentarism or presidentialism best facilitates democracy, it is apparent that there has been and continues to be, a certain degree of confusion concerning the concepts of semi-presidentialism and presidentialism. Different scholars mean different things by the terms and therefore classify countries differently. In this article I argue that the conceptual dichotomy between pro-premiär (premier-presidentialism) and pro-president systems (presidentparliamentary systems) provide the best solution to several of the problems related to categorising constitutional types, most importantly perhaps to the presidential power dilemma. I, furthermore, employ these concepts on the post-communist constitutional systems and try to reveal patterns with regard to presidential power, geographical region and democratisation.
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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The research is focused on the origin and the structure of the European party systems in long-standing democracies and in post-communist countries. Considering the differences between the western frozen party systems and the eastern unfrozen party systems, we propose a framework of analysis based on the theoretical and conceptual linkage between genetic approach and spatial theories of competition, identified in the normative component of a cleavage. At first, we propose some operational criteria to distinguish the dimensions of competition from the dimensions of identification through the use of the manifesto project surveys. Then, through the data of an expert survey and of some recent electoral mass surveys, we empirically test a set of propositions concerning, on the one hand, the congruence between party policy positions and party-voters policy positions and, on the other hand, the level of correlation between parties positions on different issue dimensions and their placement on the left-right axis.
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The research explores the mechanisms in the formation and consolidation of a new regime which combines democratic and authoritarian features; it has emerged as result of democratization processes affecting different world areas in recent years. The study analyses a case of great international significance, post-communist Russia: here internal factors strongly prevail in front of the external variables of democratic imitation and contagion, thus showing to what extent Russia differs from other political contexts. The study intends to examine the strategies used by this regime to solve internal conflicts and become stable in spite of the democratizing pressures coming from outside. Indeed, the literature about political transformations has shown the problems in analyzing these polities together with the need to examine their peculiarities more in depth. In this perspective, the first section focuses on the dynamics of State-building in Russia as a fundamental process in tracing the specific characteristics of the current regime: particularly, it is suggested that the State dimension comes out as crucial in determining the level of political and social pluralism accepted in post-Soviet Russia. This argument is worked out in the second section, which analyses the main mechanisms used by the incumbents to limit and control pluralism within the two arenas of political competition and civil society, from where the major threats to the status quo are supposed to come. The main hypothesis is that the leadership interventions in these spheres during the last ten years have shaped a regime which can be characterized as a new type of authoritarianism: with respect to traditional authoritarian forms a certain degree of political contestation is accepted, visible in the presence of a multiparty system, semi-competitive elections and of the several representatives of civil society. Yet, this diversity is curbed basically in two different ways: from one hand the incumbents provide support to political and social actors who sponsor government politics (see the party of power and pro-Kremlin movements). From the other they use some non coercive forms of control and restriction (in legislation, in political elections) against those actors who promote values and priorities opposed to the official ones.