992 resultados para Pos-National Citizenship


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The 'coming republic' (Home, 1992) is a reference point in a public discourse about Australian citizenship and national identity. An analysis of this debate raises questions about the degree to which the mass media, as the site of a contemporary public sphere, facilitates democratic change and promotes or demotes the various interests competing for scarce speaking positions. This paper uses the Australian experience to question the ideologies that support the media as marketplace, and suggests the need for an alternative to liberal-democratic and pluralist approaches to theorising the public sphere.

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This paper reports on a study of what active citizenship means from the perspective of citizens who are active within third sector organisations. It is based on an empirical study involving 1,610 respondents across 11 towns in six countries. The study explored how active citizenship is manifested, by gathering data on attitudes towards social changes and the forms and practices of active citizenship. There are two major, and apparently contradictory themes emerging in the data. The first theme provides a portrait of active engagement, proactively, and sometimes oppositionally working for a better world. On the other hand, citizens by and large avoid active oppositional engagement in the political process. They prefer to work collaboratively with government and to work at the local level. This second theme can be understood as social maintenance, support for existing structures that facilitates community cohesion, while providing relief for the disadvantaged, oftenwith a conservative charity orwelfare orientation. Following thework of Touraine, the study revealed how citizens act at the local rather than the national level, and focus on concrete issues and interpersonal relations rather than political action aimed at wider policy change. While this form of citizenship action can reflect a conservative form of maintenance, it is equally a creative new form of association and mutual support.

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A key part of any process of decolonisation is the need for the emerging nation to determine the rules for citizenship. In Papua New Guinea, what it meant to be a citizen was the first topic that the Constitutional Planning Committee considered when it set about its task to develop a ‘home grown’ constitution in late 1972. The process by which it first comprehended this matter and then involved thousands of Papua New Guineans in their villages, missions and schools in a territory-wide exercise in consultation forms the subject of this paper. The records of the discussions that took place between February and April of 1973 reveal much of how the criteria for membership of the national enterprise came to be established. This case study of defining citizenship in PNG demonstrates the intensive consultation of the local peoples on key issues in nation-building and reveals the high degree of Indigenous agency in the decolonisation process.

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The challenges of nation building in Melanesia and Timor-Leste have often been neglected in the regional focus on state-building challenges. High levels of ethno-linguistic diversity, combined with an array of regional, historical and cultural divisions, continue to present obstacles to the creation of a cohesive sense of national political community leading these nations to be labelled ‘fragile’. This paper presents the findings of a comparative study on the attitudes of tertiary students in Melanesia and Timor-Leste to national identity and nation building. A strong pan-Melanesian pattern of group identification was identified, common to Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. The ongoing importance of traditional authority and custom in informing conceptions of political community and identity was evident in all four case study sites, but was in each case matched by indicators of respect for modern state authority. The survey also reveals some significant gender differences in key attitudes towards national identity, including the role of traditional authorities. Most importantly, the study reveals high degrees of national pride, and faith in democratic principles and citizenship; but conversely, low levels of pride in contemporary democratic performance and inter-group tolerance.

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Muslim Active Citizenship in the West investigates the emergence and nature of Muslims’ struggle for recognition as full members of society in Australia, Great Britain and Germany. What actions have been taken by Muslims to achieve equal civic standing? How do socio-political and socio-economic factors impact on these processes? And how do Muslims negotiate their place in a society that is often regarded as sceptical – if not hostile – towards Muslims’ desire to belong? This book sheds new light on Muslims’ path towards citizenship in Australia, Great Britain and Germany. Existing research and statistics on Muslims’ socio-economic status, community formation, claim-making and political responses, and the public portrayal of Islam are systematically examined. These insights are tested ‘through the eyes of Muslims’, based on in-depth interviews with Muslim community leaders and other experts in all three countries. The findings offer unique perspectives on Muslim resilience to be recognised as equal citizens of Islamic faith in very different socio-political national settings. Pursuing an interdisciplinary and comparative approach, this book examines the country-specific interplay of historical, institutional, political, and identity dimensions of Muslims’ active citizenship and will be invaluable for students and researchers with an interest in Sociology, Religious Studies and Political Science.

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The most recent national Census demonstrated that Australian Muslims continue to occupy a socioeconomically disadvantaged position. On key indicators of unemployment rate, income, type of occupation and home ownership, Muslims consistently under-perform the national average. This pattern is evident in the last three Census data (2001, 2006 and 2011). Limited access to resources and a sense of marginalisation challenge full engagement with society and the natural growth of emotional affiliation with Australia. Muslim active citizenship is hampered by socioeconomic barriers. At the same time, an increasingly proactive class of educated Muslim elite has emerged to claim a voice for Muslims in Australia and promote citizenship rights and responsibilities.

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Criticism done to the undergraduate training process of the psychologist in Brazil raised debates known as "dilemmas of training". In recent years the classic training model, based on the Minimum Curriculum has undergone a series of changes after the National Curriculum Guidelines (DCN), modifying the context of courses. Thus, this paper aimed to investigate, in a post- DCN context how undergraduate courses in Psychology in Brazil have been dealing with the dilemmas of training. So, we decided to analyze the Course Pedagogical Projects (CPPs) of Psychology in the country. Forty CPPs, selected by region, academic organization and legal status were collected. The data was grouped into three blocks of discussions: theoretical, philosophical and pedagogical foundations; curriculum emphases and disciplines; and professional practices. The results were grouped into four sets of dilemmas: a) ethical and political; b) theoreticalepistemological; c) professional practice of the psychologist and d) academic-scientific. Courses claim a socially committed, generalist, pluralistic training, focusing on research, non-dissociation of teaching-research-extension, interdisciplinary training and defending a vision of man and of critical and reflective and non-individualistic psychology. The curriculum keeps the almost exclusive teaching of the classical areas of traditional fields of applied Psychology. Training is content based. The clinic is hegemonic, both in theory and in application fields. The historical debate is scarce and themes linked to the Brazilian reality are missing, despite having social policies present in the curricula. Currently, DCNs have a much greater impact on courses due to the influence of the control agencies, fruit of current educational policy, and the result is felt in the homogenization of curriculum discourses

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Includes bibliography

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Food and Nutrition Security (FNS) must be ensured to everybody. The school environment is favorable to the formation of healthy habits and citizenship. The National Curriculum Parameters (PCNs) guide the promotion of health concepts in a transversal way in the school curriculum. This study aimed to identify and analyze the approach used for food and nutrition themes in Fundamental Education's teaching material and its interface with the concept of FNS and the PCNs. Documental research was conducted on the teaching material from 5th to 8th grades of Fundamental Education in Public School of the state of Sao Paulo. The diffuse presence of food and nutrition themes was found in most disciplines in all bimesters in the four series, which shows the interdisciplinarity in health. It was found that the PCNs are related to the concept of SAN in its various aspects and that most subjects include topics that approach this relationship. In the correlation between themes, there is emphasis to health promotion and food production. The methodology used in the teaching material presents the theme, but not the correspondent content, what made the analysis of its suitability impossible. We conclude that there is the approach of the issues related to food and nutrition in the teaching material, some of them in an inconsistent way; it is the educators' task to select the contents and the appropriate strategy, doing an effort of constant update. This isbeing proposed by the State, however it is not accessible to all professionals and therefore still depends on the initiative of each teacher.

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This was an interdisciplinary cross-cultural project which subjected Czech citizens to theoretical analysis and empirical examination. In the first, theoretical, part of the work a typology of post-totalitarian citizenship was proposed containing five types of citizens: responsible democratic, social materialistic, passive asocial, hedonistic consuming, and predatory antisocial. While democratic citizenship stems from preserved civic virtues, the deficient types of citizenship are partially caused by the post-totalitarian syndrome. In the concrete empirical studies of the international context the most significant aspects of citizenship were examined. Czech citizens (students) displayed an encouraging level of political civic culture when they loaded more often than six other national samples on the factor of democratic citizenship (based on a questionnaire and Q-sort by Feierabend, Q-factor analysis), but their level of loyalty and low critical rebelliousness can also be seen as reason for concern. The Czech population provided contrasting results in measures of civility; although chronically complaining about interpersonal relations, they passed relatively well in a series of situational field experiments even in the international comparison (Levine's helping measures. Czech nationalism is primarily "cultural nationalism", which is less favourable for democratic citizenship than the "civic nationalism" of Americans.

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The problems confronted by people who experience mental disorders are often conceptualised in terms of health and illness. However, these problems extend far beyond the healthcare system, into all areas of human life. Having a psychiatric diagnosis may have a negative impact on every aspect of the individual’s life, leading to the deprivation or limitation of rights in relation to housing, employment, and family life. In this article, some of these problems are discussed within the theoretical framework of debates on citizenship and on human rights. As the context is Europe, reference is made to the recent policy initiatives with the EU, to national and European level consumer organisations and to cases brought before the European Court of Human Rights.

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In his contribution, Joppke justifies his selection of foundational scholars by linking each to what he sees as the three key facets of citizenship: status, rights and identity. Maarten Vink explicitly links his research agenda to the first, status, and outlines why it is so important. In identifying three facets of citizenship, Joppke acknowledges that some academics would include political participation, but he ultimately decides against it. But here we can, and should, broaden citizenship studies by bringing in insights from the behavioral politics tradition in domestic politics - when and why people engage in political acts - and from the social movements literature in sociology. I believe that the American debate on immigration reform, admittedly stalled, would not have advanced as far as it has without the social movement activism of DREAMers - unauthorized young people pushing for a path to citizenship - and the belief that Barack Obama won re-election in part because of the Latino vote. Importantly, one type of political activism demands formal citizenship, the other does not. As many contributors note, the “national models” approach has had a significant impact on citizenship studies. Whether one views such models through a cultural, institutional or historical lens, this tends to be a top-down, macro-level framework. What about immigrants’ agency? In Canada, although the ruling Conservative government is shifting citizenship discourse to a more traditional language - as Winter points out - it has not reduced immigration, ended dual citizenship, or eliminated multiculturalism, all goals of the Reform Party that the current prime minister once helped build. “Lock-in” effects (or policy feedback loops) based on high immigrant naturalization and the coming of age of a second-generation with citizenship also d emands study, in North America and elsewhere. Much of the research thus far suggests that political decisions over citizenship status and rights do not seem linked to immigrants’ political activism. State-centered decision-making may have characterized policy in the early post-World War II period in Europe (and East Asia?), but does it continue to hold today? Majority publics and immigrant-origin residents are increasingly politicized around citizenship and immigration. Does immigrant agency extend citizenship status, rights and identity to those born outside the polity? Is electoral power key, or is protest necessary? How is citizenship practiced, and contested, irrespective of formal status? These are important and understudied empirical questions, ones that demand theoretical creativity - across sub-fields and disciplines - in conceptualizing and understanding citizenship in contemporary times.

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The Academy has elected 72 new members and 15 foreign associates from 10 countries in recognition of their distinguished and continuing achievements in original research. The election was held during the business session of the 138th annual meeting of the Academy. Election to membership in the Academy is considered one of the highest honors that can be accorded a U.S. scientist or engineer. Foreign associates are non-voting members of the Academy, with citizenship outside of the United States.

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The Academy has elected 60 new members and 15 foreign associates from 9 countries in recognition of their distinguished and continuing achievements in original research. The election was held during the business session of the 137th annual meeting of the Academy. Election to membership in the Academy is considered one of the highest honors that can be accorded a U.S. scientist or engineer. Foreign associates are non-voting members of the Academy, with citizenship outside of the United States.