Perceção do papel dos Recursos Humanos no posicionamento estratégico da empresa

A história da sociedade humana sempre foi fiel ao retrato das diferentes etapas do seu desenvolvimento. O ser humano sempre sentiu a necessidade de realizar os seus propósitos de sobrevivência, conjugando os diferentes elementos inerentes a este processo. As organizações se destacam na manipulação de recursos valiosos, que exigem a busca permanente de equilíbrios sustentáveis. Para tal, estas elaboram estratégias, que permitam o alcance de seus objetivos, garantindo a sustentabilidade interna e externa. O presente trabalho de pesquisa centrou o seu exercício na perceção do papel que a Área de Recursos Humanos no processo definição da estratégia, focalizando os diferentes modelos que vão desde o RH estritamente operacional ao RH estratégico. Esta dimensão evidenciou o papel decisivo do alinhamento do RH à estratégia, como parte integrante da estratégia global da organização, desde a formulação até a implementação. Foi realizado um estudo de caso qualitativo na Empresa Nacional de Exploração de Aeroportos e Navegação Aérea (ENANA-EP), em Angola, caracterizado, pela recolha exaustiva de documentos relevantes da gestão da empresa, e concomitantemente a coleta de dados por via de um questionário escrito, que revelaram o estádio evolutivo da Área de RH, bem como o seu posicionamento ainda como órgão de consultoria interna, necessitando trabalhar novas ideias e estruturar procedimentos que integrem com maior facilidade a Área de RH no processo de definição da estratégia, configurando-a como gestora de talentos e competências, com foco no conhecimento e no capital humano.

Lobbying in a transatlantic comparison: opportunity structures and lobbying content in the US and the EU

Despite vast literatures on interest representation in the United States (US) and the European Union (EU), few studies have tried to compare lobbying across the two cases. Those who do are interested primarily in the existence of different lobbying styles and distinguish between an aggressive pressure group approach in the US and a more consensus oriented informational lobbying in the EU. However, the origins of these differences have received little attention and references most often point to different political “cultures” and lobbying traditions. This paper takes issue with this cultural explanation and links the observed lobbying styles with differences in the design of the political institutions that private actors have to interact with. It argues that divided policy authority in the US allows for interest group bargaining while shared policy competencies in the EU constrain not only policy-makers but also lobbyists to adopt a more consensus-oriented approach. The effect of political institutions on the form of lobbying, in turn, can have important implications for the comparison of different policy areas across countries, because the policy stances of private actors cannot always be assumed to be exogenous to the policy process in which they are active.

La seguridad energética de Estados Unidos a inicios del siglo XXI: ¿securitización o politización del acceso a recursos energéticos?

Tradicionalmente, la consolidación de la seguridad energética en Estados Unidos se ha mostrado como un asunto de seguridad nacional. En especial, la escasez de recursos energéticos ha sido vista como un problema existencial que requiere de medidas de emergencia en el marco de un proceso de securitización. Sin embargo, esta investigación surgiere que el tema ha sido mayoritariamente politizado a inicios del siglo XXI. Quizá este proceso de securitización tan solo fue implícitamente planteado con ocasión de la invasión a Irak en 2003, en la medida en que dicha intervención pudo haberse inspirado por la necesidad de derrocar a un régimen que había impedido el acceso estadounidense a recursos petroleros iraquíes. En este orden de ideas, la investigación analiza las políticas de seguridad energética de los gobiernos de George W. Bush y Barack H. Obama con el propósito de entender el grado en el que estas estuvieron vinculadas a sus respectivas agendas de seguridad nacional.

Hegemonia e contra-hegemonia na construção de políticas de esporte e lazer : a experiência do Consórcio Brasília = Hegemony and counter-hegemony in the process of sport and leisure policy-making : the experience of the Consortium Brasilia

Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

The Monetary policy rules and the inflation process in open emerging

This paper has three objectives. First, it aims at revealing the logic of interest rate setting pursued by monetary authorities of 12 new EU members. Using estimation of an augmented Taylor rule, we find that this setting was not always consistent with the official monetary policy. Second, we seek to shed light on the inflation process of these countries. To this end, we carry out an estimation of an open economy Philips curve (PC). Our main finding is that inflation rates were not only driven by backward persistency but also held a forward-looking component. Finally, we assess the viability of existing monetary arrangements for price stability. The analysis of the conditional inflation variance obtained from GARCH estimation of PC is used for this purpose. We conclude that inflation targeting is preferable to an exchange rate peg because it allowed decreasing the inflation rate and anchored its volatility.

A Study of a Staff Alcohol Policy in a Large Public Health Organisation, Looking at the Policy Content, the Policy Development and the Implementation Process, and the Policy Impact

There are different approaches to dealing with alcohol related problems in the workplace. A literature review indicates that two of the models that underpin programmes to deal with alcohol related problems in the workplace are the disease model and the health promotion model. The disease model considers alcoholism as an illness and uses curative techniques to restore the individual to sobriety. The health promotion model looks at the determinants of health and promotes changes in the environment and structures, which would support healthy behaviour in relation to alcohol. Employee Assistance Programmes (EAPs) may have elements of both theses models. Dealing with alcohol problems at work involves a captive audience and the workplace as a setting can be used to influence healthier lifestyles. A workplace alcohol policy is a mechanism through which alcohol related issues might be dealt with, and the necessary resources and commitment of managers and staff channelled to this end. The policy aims should be clear and unambiguous, and specific plans put in place for implementing all aspects of the policy. In the case of the alcohol policy in the organisation under study, the policy was underpinned by a health promotion ethos and the policy document reflects broad aims and objectives to support this. The steering group that oversaw the development of the policy had particular needs of their own which they brought to the development process. The common theme in their needs was how to identify and support employees with alcohol related problems within an equitable staff welfare system. The role of the supervisor was recognised as crucial and training was provided to introduce the skills needed for an early intervention and constructive confrontation with employees who had alcohol related problems. Opportunities provided by this policy initiative to deal with broader issues around alcohol and to consider the determinants of health in relation to alcohol were not fully utilised. The policy formalised the procedures for dealing with people who have alcohol related problems in an equitable and supportive manner. The wider aspect of the health promotion approach does not appear to have been a priority in the development and implementation of the policy.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

The social dimension: a neglected policy item in the Bologna Process

Since its beginning in 1999, the Bologna Process has influenced various aspects of higher education in its member countries, e.g., degree structures, mobility, lifelong learning, social dimension and quality assurance. The social dimension creates the focus of this research. The social dimension entered the Bologna Process agenda in 2001. Despite a decade of reforms, it somehow remained as a vague element and received low scholarly attention. This research addresses to this gap. Firstly, different meanings of the social dimension according to the major European policy actors are analysed. Unfolding the understandings of the actors revealed that the social dimension is mostly understood in terms reflecting the diversity of population on the student body accessing to, progressing in and completing higher education, with a special concern on the underrepresented groups. However, it is not possible to observe a similar commonality concerning the actual policy measures to achieve this goal. Divergence occurs with respect to the addressed underrepresented groups, i.e., all underrepresented groups or people without formal qualifications and mature learners, and the values and institutional interests traditionally promoted by these actors. Secondly, the dissertation discusses the reflection of this social dimension understanding at the national level by looking at cases of Finland, Germany and Turkey. The in-depth analyses show an awareness of the social dimension among most of the national Bologna Process actors and a common understanding of the social dimension goals. However, this understanding has not triggered action in any of the countries. The countries acted on areas which they defined problematic before the Bologna Process. Finally, based on these findings the dissertation discusses the social dimension as a policy item that managed to get into the Bologna Process agenda, but neither grew into an implementable policy, nor drop out of it. To this aim, it makes use of the multiple streams framework and explains the low agenda status social dimension with: i. the lack of a pressing problem definition: the lack of clearly defined indicators and a comprehensive monitoring system, ii. the lack of a viable solution alternative: the proposal of developing national strategies and action plans closed the way to develop generic guidelines for the social dimension to be translated into national policy processes, iii. low political perceptivity: the recent trends opt for increasing efficiency, excellence and exclusiveness discourses rather than ensuring equality and inclusiveness iv. high constraints: the social dimension by definition requires more public funding which is less appreciated and strategic constraints of the actors in allocating their resources v. the type of policy entrepreneur: the social dimension is promoted by an international stakeholder, the European Students’ Union, instead of the ministers responsible for higher education The social dimension remains a policy item in the Bologna Process which is noble enough to agree but not urgent enough to act on.

KNOWLEDGE MANAGEMENT PROCESS AS DEVELOPMENT POLICY IN PUBLIC SECTOR.

The competitive approach to the theory of knowledge management has allowed the first decade of the twenty-first century government institutions will focus on human resources as feedstock to generate knowledge in the organization that benefits users of various government, Solving the most common conflicts and supporting the continuity of the common processes without falling into routines that lead to low utilization of resources.This work aims to show how it has improved the performance of some public agencies in the city of Guadalajara through a knowledge management model

The Construction of a State Peace Policy and the Process of Conflict Resolution

The academic literature specialized on processes of conflict resolution has focused on how third party intervention and mediation can contribute to end violent conflict, however it has also ignored the potential role of the state in countries affected by internal war. This article calls for a better understanding of the state, not only as a source of contemporary conflict but as a potential advocate of conflict resolution processes. It suggests that it is necessary and possible to involve the state in more effective processes of conflict resolution through the implementation of a State Peace Policy. The central argument is that some of the critical elements that should guide the state action when confronting the destructive logic of war and violence can be effectively undertaken through a public policy focused on building peace. After suggesting a general definition of State Peace Policy and highlighting some of its main attributes, the article recognizes that this sort of policy can also orientate the unfinished process of state consolidation in Colombia and other countries affected by internal conflict. The role of the state in the process of conflict resolution is crucial; however there are some issues normally ignored within the policy-making process, they must be seriously taken into account in order to eliminate the underlying structures that perpetuate conflict and delay the consolidation of sustainable peace.-----La literatura académica especializada en procesos de resolución de conflictos se ha centrado en el estudio de cómo la intervención de terceras partes y la labor de mediación pueden contribuir a poner fin a los conflictos violentos, sin embargo, también ha ignorado el rol potencial del estado en aquellos países afectados por la guerra interna. Este artículo llama la atención sobre la necesidad de estudiar al estado no sólo como la fuente de los conflictos contemporáneos, sino como un colaborador potencial en procesos de resolución de conflictos. Se sugiere que es necesario y también posible involucrar al estado en este tipo de procesos de una manera más efectiva a través de la implementación de una Política de Estado centrada en la Paz. El argumento central es que algunos de los elementos claves que deben guiar la acción del estado cuando éste se enfrenta a la lógica destructiva de la guerra y la violencia, pueden ser efectivamente tratados a través de una política pública que de prioridad a la construcción de la paz. Luego de sugerir una definición general y destacar algunos de los principales atributos de ésta clase de Política de Estado, el artículo reconoce que ésta podría también orientar el proceso inacabado de consolidación del estado en Colombia y en otros países afectados por conflictos internos. El rol del estado en el proceso para resolver los conflictos es crucial, sin embargo hay algunos aspectos normalmente ignorados durante el proceso de formulación de políticas que deben ser tomados en cuenta seriamente para eliminar las estructuras que perpetúan el conflicto y que retrasan la consolidación de la paz sostenible.

The Masters in Teaching and Learning (MTL): a retrospective, intrinsic case study of the process of policy into practice and its impact on teacher participants

The research reported here is a retrospective case study of the recent (2010) introduction of the Masters in Teaching and Learning (MTL) as a post-graduate level programme of professional development for teachers. It contributes to the debate and research over the past two decades about the impact of post-graduate professional development and appropriate ways of delivering it. The study is located within an extensive body of literature dealing with the importance of the teaching profession with regard to the success of schools and pupils and the impact of professional development on teaching quality and of teaching quality on attainment. A further relevant context is the ongoing tension between the teaching profession and academics on the one hand and government and political actors on the other, in respect of the approaches to professional development and to the control of educational processes. The research questions which inform the study deal with the perspectives of various participants – policy makers, programme directors, coaches and teachers studying for the MTL – on the extent to which the MTL is likely to have an ameliorative effect on teaching and pupil attainment, their experiences of the process of policy development and their experiences as course participants. The study adopts a case study approach which involves elite interviews with those responsible for the development and implementation of the MTL, questionnaires completed by MTL course participants and a comparison group taking a conventional MA and in depth interviews with participants and coaches. The results revealed tensions and difficulties associated with the development of the MTL including uneasy relationships between HE institutions and government agencies, ideas about ‘producer capture’, the relevance of the MBA model and concern over the role of coaches. However, while acknowledging various difficulties and some misconceived expectations they viewed its potential to meet its expressed aims positively, given time. Course participants were positive about their experience of the MTL and felt that it had contributed to many aspects of their professional development. Most saw it as a positive experience despite the variable quality of support from their schools, particularly in the form of the school-based coach the concept of which had been heralded as the bellwether of the MTL. It was striking that the responses of the MTL participants were very similar to those of teachers taking a conventional MA. A finding which would repay further investigation is that while the great majority of course participants felt that the MTL (and the MA) had contributed to their becoming more effective teachers they were much less confident that it had contributed to increased pupil attainment.

Dealing with bad guys: actor- and process-level determinants of the “devil shift” in policy making

Policy actors tend to misinterpret and distrust opponents in policy processes. This phenomenon, known as the “devil shift”, consists of the following two dimensions: actors perceive opponents as more powerful and as more evil than they really are. Analysing nine policy processes in Switzerland, this article highlights the drivers of the devil shift at two levels. On the actor level, interest groups, political parties and powerful actors suffer more from the devil shift than state actors and powerless actors. On the process level, the devil shift is stronger in policy processes dealing with socio-economic issues as compared with other issues. Finally, and in line with previous studies, there is less empirical evidence of the power dimension of the devil shift phenomenon than of its evilness dimension.

'Reform' of the British national health service after the election of a labour government: Understanding the policy development process

The policy development process leading to the Labour government's white paper of December 1997—The new NHS: Modern, Dependable—is the focus of this project and the public policy development literature is used to aid in the understanding of this process. Policy makers who had been involved in the development of the white paper were interviewed in order to acquire a thorough understanding of who was involved in this process and how they produced the white paper. A theoretical framework is used that sorts policy development models into those that focus on knowledge and experience, and those which focus on politics and influence. This framework is central to understanding the evidence gathered from the individuals and associations that participated in this policy development process. The main research question to be asked in this project is to what extent do either of these sets of policy development models aid in understanding and explicating the process by which the Labour government's policies were developed. The interview evidence, along with published evidence, show that a clear pattern of policy change emerged from this policy development process, and the Knowledge-Experience and Politics-Influence policy making models both assist in understanding this process. The early stages of the policy development process were characterized as hierarchical and iterative, yet also very collaborative among those participating, with knowledge and experience being quite prevalent. At every point in the process, however, informal networks of political influence were used and noted to be quite prevalent by all of the individuals interviewed. The later stages of the process then became increasingly noninclusive, with decisions made by a select group of internal and external policy makers. These policy making models became an important tool with which to understand the policy development process. This Knowledge-Experience and Politics-Influence dichotomy of policy development models could therefore be useful in analyzing other types of policy development. ^