Cooperative patronage: The National Smallholder Farmers’ Association of Malawi in Kasungu District

This paper estimates the determinants of farmers’ decisions to join a rural producer organisation, the National Smallholder Farmers’ Association of Malawi (NASFAM), in Kasungu District. Data for the study were collected in June and August 2003 using household-level questionnaires and stratified random sampling, where strata were membership status and gender. Probit analysis of 250 farmers shows that off-farm sources of income, distance of the farmer’s household from Kasungu District centre, age of the farmer, tobacco farming, education, household level land holding and gender determined the decision to join NASFAM. These results suggest that farmers should be informed of the potential benefits of participating in rural development efforts, and that rural communication and information infrastructure should be improved so as to reduce the costs of information access and transactions in general, if participation in organisations such as NASFAM is to be enhanced.

Place making in Hellenistic Athens: beyond decline and foreign patronage

The study of cities is integral to the study of the Hellenistic Age, the period bounded by the deaths of two legendary rulers: Alexander in 323 BC and Kleopatra in 30 BC. Modern scholarship has followed in the footsteps of Johann-Gustav Droysen, who coined the term 'Hellenistic' in the nineteenth century and associated it with the diffusion of Greek culture through the founding of new cities in the East by Alexander and his successors. Hellenistic Athens, traditionally discussed under the rubric of its Classical legacy and/or in contrast with thriving cities, such as Pergamon, has been presented as a backwater exemplifying the demise of the 'polis'. My objective in this paper is to criticise these negative sentiments by exploring how the built environment of Hellenistic Athens could potentially become an indicator of city vitality.

Late Annibale and his workshop: invention, imitation and patronage

Discussion of the organisation of Annibale Carracci's workshop in his later years

Socio-cultural Degeneration and State Patronage of the Arts: Mapplethorpe, Cultural Crisis, and the NEA

The goal of this paper is to investigate how the Untied States federal government, specifically through the National Endowment for the Arts, or NEA, has acted in the position of an arts patron in the past few decades. Specifically, this paper will focus on the past decade and a half since the 'arts crisis' of the late 1980s and the social and political backlash against the art community in the 1990s, which was only against ‘offensive’ art that was seen as morally and culturally corruptive. I explore the political, social, and economic forms the backlash took, particularly rooted in a perceived fear of degenerative arts as a corruption of and a catalyst for the eventual collapse of American culture and values. Additionally, I analyse the role the federal government played in ‘ameliorating’ the situation. I investigate how state arts patronage has affected and continues to affect both the concepts behind and the manifestations of art, as well as who is encouraged, sanctioned, or neglected in the production of art. To accomplish this, I explore how and why the federal government employs the arts to define and redefine morality and culture, and how does it express/allow the expressions of these through art.

The environment in the polítical arena

Includes bibliography

Towards a social and polítical dimension of regional planning

Includes bibliography

Economía política de la planificación de los sectores agrícola y rural en las sociedades del Caribe = Polítical economy of agricultural and rural sector planning in Caribbean societies

Incluye Bibliografía

Propter adhorantium auctoritatem voluntate. Legittimazione, patronage e propaganda nelle Gesta Regum Anglorum di Guglielmo di Malmesbury

L’oggetto di ricerca della presente tesi di dottorato è costituito dall’analisi dell’opera Gesta Regum Anglorum, del monaco benedettino Guglielmo di Malmesbury, all’interno della quale sono stati esplorati e verificati i temi di legittimazione, di patronage e di propaganda. L’opera, infatti, rimane senza un manifesto committente, ad eccezione di una primissima versione. Il titolo della tesi rivela fin da subito questo aspetto, giacché estrae un passaggio del prologo al I libro: «propter adhorantium auctoritatem voluntate», traducibile con «per le autorevoli esortazioni che ricevetti». Dopo un’analisi delle lettere dedicatorie premesse all’opera, si è ipotizzata la volontà dell’autore di dedicare le Gesta Regum Anglorum, nella loro versione definitiva, a Roberto conte di Gloucester, approfondendo in tal senso l’aspetto legittimatorio dell’opera e la possibilità che essa potesse servire come strumento per ottenere un patronage dal conte nei confronti dell’abbazia di Malmesbury. La seconda parte della tesi è incentrata sulla comparazione tra le due principali redazioni dell’opera – quella conclusa intorno al 1126/27 e quella rivista tra 1135 e 1140 – per analizzarne le modifiche, ipotizzandone la funzione come volta mitigare aspetti relativi ai principali antenati di Roberto di Gloucester (Guglielmo I e Guglielmo II). La terza parte della tesi si è concentrata sull’aspetto propagandistico dell’opera in favore del monastero di appartenenza di Guglielmo (Malmesbury) e soprattutto in favore del clero regolare, nella dicotomia che caratterizzò questo e il clero secolare durante gli anni in cui l’autore viveva. Nell’ultima parte della tesi, è stato ripreso l’aspetto legittimatorio delle Gesta Regum, tentando di fornire un’analisi delle tre raffigurazioni dei sovrani normanni d’Inghilterra, che punteggiano i tre libri finali dell’opera.

Democratic Transition and Political Patronage

Mr. Korosenyi begins by analysing the particular relationship holding between politics and administration in different countries. Within Europe three major patterns have emerged in the 20th century. Firstly there is the politically neutral British Civil Service, secondly the German and French state bureaucracies, which traditionally are supposed to embody the "common good", and thirdly there is the patronage system of the so-called consociate democracies, e.g. Austria. In general Mr. Korosenyi believes that, though politics do not penetrate into the Hungarian administration to the extent they do in Belgium and Austria, nevertheless, there is a stronger fusion than there is in the traditional British pattern. He is particularly interested in this relationship with regard to its effect on democratic institution building and the stabilisation of the new regime in Hungary, now the old "nomenklatura" system has been abolished. The structure of the Hungarian government was a result of the constitutional amendments of 1989 and 1990. Analysing this period, it becomes clear that for all the political actors who initiated and supported the democratic transition to democracy, the underlying assumption was a radical depoliticisation of the administration in order to maintain its stability. The political leadership of the executive is a cabinet government. The government is structured along ministries, each headed by a politician, i.e. the minister, who is a member of the cabinet. The minister's political secretary is not a cabinet member, but he or she is a politician, usually a member of the parliament. The head of the administration of the ministry is the administrative state secretary, who is a civil servant. He or she usually has four deputies, also civil servants. Naturally it is assumed that there should be a clear separation between politicians and civil servants. However in practice, the borders can be blurred, giving rise to a hybrid known as the "political civil servant". Mr. Korosenyi analyses the different faces of these hybrids. They are civil servants for the following reasons. They need special educational qualifications, working experience, a civil service exam etc., they are not allowed to do anything which is incompatible with their impartial role, and they cannot occupy political office nor may they appear in the name of any political party. On the other hand, the accepted political dimension to their function is revealed by the following facts. The state secretary (a civil servant) may participate in cabinet meetings instead of the minister. The state secretary is employed by the minister. A state secretary or any of their deputies can be dismissed at any time by the minister or the prime minister. In practice then, ministers appoint to these senior administrative positions civil servants whose personal and political loyaties are strong. To the second level of political patronage in ministries belong the ministerial cabinet, press office and public relation office. The ministerial cabinet includes the private advisors and members of the personal staff of the minister. The press office and the PR office, if they exist, are not adjusted to the administrative hierarchy of the ministry, but under the direct control of the minister. In the beginning of the 1990s, such offices were exceptions; in the second half of the 90s they are accepted and to be found in most ministries. Mr. Korosenyi's work, a 92-page manuscript of a book in Hungarian, marks the first piece of literature within the field of political science which analyses the structure of the Hungarian government in the 1990s and the relationship between the political leadership and the public administration.