El precio de la tierra en pradera pampeana y su relación con los commodities agropecuarios : periodo 1988 - 2008

El presente trabajo se focaliza en el estudio del valor de la tierra en pradera pampeana y su relación con los commodities agropecuarios para el período comprendido entre los años 1988 y 2008. En la década de 1990 se ha producido un nuevo escenario en el mercado inmobiliario rural argentino, principalmente en la zona conocida como Pradera Pampeana. Los motivos principales que lo han desencadenado fueron la adaptación de la siembra directa y el uso de variedades transgénicas, acompañado por todo un paquete tecnológico hasta entonces desconocido en el país. El valor de la tierra está determinado por la productividad de los factores y el instrumento que se utilizó para cuantificar el mismo fue el método de flujo de fondos y del valor residual descontado por la tasa de corte imperante en cada período bajo análisis. En el presente trabajo se buscó verificar el comportamiento del valor de equilibrio (técnico)de la tierra en la pampa húmeda y su relación con el valor de mercado. El valor de la tierra en las distintas zonas de la pampa húmeda constituye un sistema de vasos comunicantes que se expresa a través de la correlación que existe entre los valores de las distintas zonas. Se produce una revalorización de los campos por arbitraje o arrastre al variar los precios de algunos commodities más que otros. Finalmente se demostró que el precio relativo de los granos a nivel internacional, la tecnología aplicada, las políticas públicas vigentes y la tasa de corte son determinantes del valor técnico de la tierra; el cual, sumado a las expectativas de valoración genera el valor de mercado. Las encuestas realizadas a expertos en el mercado inmobiliario rural reflejan que el valor de la tierra se debe a lo dicho, además de ser un factor escaso y un refugio contra la desvalorización del dólar y el peso.

Estadística electoral

Estamos en tiempo electoral (y en nuestro país casi todos lo son). El pistoletazo mediático de salida se dio en las elecciones de Cataluña, donde desde tiempo atrás todos los sondeos daban por ganador al PSC, tanto por votos como por escaños. Incluso seguían así los sondeos de las emisoras de radio y TV de las ocho de la tarde, después de votar. Pero lo cierto es que, una vez escrutados todos los votos, quien ganó en escaños fue CiU.

Equalising opportunities for women in electoral politics in Ireland: The Views of Women Members of Parliament

This paper examines the attitudes of women political elites in Ireland toward positive action initiatives that would assist in increasing women's legislative presence. An earlier study isolated family responsibilities and lack of finance as significant barriers for Irish women wishing to enter, and stay in, political life. In addition, scholarly and policy debates on boosting women's parliamentary representation focus on manipulating electoral or party selection rules along with strategies for making a political career more compatible with women's socially determined responsibilities. This paper examines how Irish women politicians respond to various suggestions for positive action in these three arenas: combining legislative and family responsibilities, funding a political campaign and getting elected. The paper highlights the broad consensus among women politicians, irrespective of party, self-interest, or length of service, favoring certain positive action initiatives, as well as their reluctance to support other options. It also illustrates the complexity of implementing some of these reforms. In addition, the paper emphasizes how cultural expectations and values act to inhibit women's political agency.

Peacebuilding and Consociational Electoral Engineering in Bosnia-Herzegovina'

What role do elections play in societies emerging from communal war and what type of institutions can serve as catalysts in deepening peace and compromise? While some analysts argue that ethnicity should be recognized through 'consociational' institutions, others maintain that 'integrative' devices - in particular, carefully crafted electoral rules - can limit or even break down the salience of ethnicity and increase the possibility for inter-ethnic accommodation. This article examines the post-war electoral experience of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), arguing that elections had a problematic, unintended impact on peacebuilding. First, timid integrative electoral devices were adopted in a consociational system that reifies ethnic division and complicates compromise; second, peacebuilding agencies needlessly manufactured electoral rules that backfired; third, group-based features of the BiH political system run counter to individual human rights. The article ends with suggestions for improving the electoral framework.

The impact of the summer 2007 forest fires in Greece: Recent environmental mobilizations, cyber-activism and electoral performance

This report circumambulates around the environmental issue, examining mobilizations in favour of public access to the seafront and protest events against the recent devastating forest fires. By framing this discussion within existing scholarly contributions on related dimensions of the environmental issue (environmental consciousness, grassroots environmental contestation) in Southern Europe in general and Greece in particular, it suggests that the environmental mobilization dynamic in Greece has been infused with a new, global, mobilizing resource that offers new avenues to evaluate the potency of Greek civil society. Finally, the article discusses the results of the 2007 national elections and ponders the chances of political ecology becoming a permanent feature of Greek parliamentary politics.

Deconstructing national leadership: Politicians’ accounts of electoral success and failure in the Irish Lisbon Treaty referenda

The Self Categorization approach to national leadership proposes that leaders rhetorically construct national identity as essentialized and inevitable in order to consensualize and mobilize the population. In contrast, discursive studies have demonstrated how national politicians flexibly construct the nation to manage their own accountability in local interactions, though this in turn has neglected broader leadership processes. The present paper brings both approaches together to examine how and when national politicians construct versions of national identity in order to account for their failure as well as success in mobilizing the electorate. Eight semi-structured conversational style interviews were conducted with a strategic sample of eight leading Irish politicians on the subject of the 2008/2009 Irish Lisbon Treaty referenda. Using a Critical Discourse Psychology approach, the hegemonic repertoire of the ‘settled will’
of the informed and consensualized Irish nation was identified across all interviews. Politicians either endorsed the ‘settled will’ repertoire as evidence of their successful leadership, or rejected the repertoire by denying the rationality or unity of the populace to account for their failure. Our results suggest national identity is only constructed as essentialized and inevitable to the extent that it serves a strategic political purpose.

Electoral Systems, Ethnic Cleavages, and Experience with Democracy

Recent studies show the effects of electoral systems and ethnic cleavages on the number of parties in emerging democracies differ from those effects observed in more established democracies. Building on recent arguments maintaining the quality of democracy improves with experience, we argue the reason for the differences in the findings between established and emerging democracies is that the effects of these variables on the number of parties differ according to a country’s experience with elections. To test this argument, we analyse party system fragmentation in 89 established and emerging democracies and the conditioning effects experience with elections have on the effects of district magnitude, ethnic cleavages, and variables relating to the presidential party system. The results show the effects of institutional and social cleavage variables differ substantially between emerging and established democracies, but these effects begin to approximate those seen in more established democracies with additional experience with elections.

Holding parties responsible at election time: Multi-level, multi-party government and electoral accountability

This paper highlights the crucial role played by party-specific responsibility attributions in performance-based voting. Three models of electoral accountability, which make distinct assumptions regarding citizens' ability to attribute responsibility to distinct governing parties, are tested in the challenging Northern Ireland context - an exemplar case of multi-level multi-party government in which expectations of performance based voting are low. The paper demonstrates the operation of party-attribution based electoral accountability, using data from the 2011 Northern Ireland Assembly Election Study. However, the findings are asymmetric: accountability operates in the Protestant/unionist bloc but not in the Catholic/nationalist bloc. This asymmetry may be explained by the absence of clear ethno-national ideological distinctions between the unionist parties (hence providing political space for performance based accountability to operate) but the continued relevance in the nationalist bloc of ethno-national difference (which limits the scope for performance politics). The implications of the findings for our understanding of the role of party-specific responsibility attribution in performance based models of voting, and for our evaluation of the quality of democracy in post-conflict consociational polities, are discussed. 

Os impactos pessoais , sociais e profissionais do processo de reconhecimento validação e certificação de competências, no percurso de vida dos indivíduos, do Concelho de Santiago do Cacém (Periodo de 2000-2005)

A presente dissertação insere-se no âmbito do Mestrado em Ciências da Educação, na especialização de Gestão e Administração Educacional, tendo como base a concretização do projecto de investigação denominado “As Novas Núpcias da Qualificação no Alentejo”, promovido pelo Centro de Investigação em Educação e Psicologia da Universidade de Évora. O objecto da investigação centra-se na análise dos impactos sociais e profissionais do processo de RVCC (Reconhecimento, Validação e Certificação de Competências) nos indivíduos certificados, no período de 2000-2005, no Concelho de Santiago do Cacém. A investigação, de natureza descritiva, assume uma base metodológica quantitativa e recorreu à aplicação de um questionário a toda a população em estudo. O resultado obtido permite-nos concluir que o PRVCC produz efeitos positivos no percurso de vida dos indivíduos, tendo mais impacto em termos pessoais do que sociais e profissionais; ABSTRACT: The current essay falls under the scope of the Education Sciences Master, Educational Administration and Management specialty, and is based on the completion of the investigation project called “The New Nuptials of Qualification in Alentejo”, promoted by the Education and Psychology Investigation Center of the University of Évora. The aim of the investigation is focused on the analysis of the impact, of the effects at social and professional level of the RVCC process (Recognition, Validation and Certification of Competencies) of the certified individuals, between 2000-2005, in the County of Santiago do Cacém. This investigation is of descriptive nature and assumes a quantitative methodological approach, which resorted to the administration of a questionnaire to the entire study population. The results obtained allow to conclude that the RVCC process has positive effects on the individuals’ life path, with more impact at personal level than social or professional.

The British electoral system 1885-1970

At a time when the electoral system is coming under renewed scrutiny, this article examines the origins and creation of the present system in 1884-5, and its subsequent survival. This is the first such analysis to draw upon Public Record Office and party archives. Whilst showing that the political classes have been quite prepared to consider the merits of alternatives, particularly S.T.V., for Ireland or in colonial settings, they have usually been seen as less appropriate for Westminster. In exploring why that should be the case this article seeks to provide a new explanation for the longevity of the electoral arrangements of 1885.

Electoral opportunism and fiscal policy before and after the EMU

A Masters Thesis, presented as part of the requirements for the award of a Research Masters Degree in Economics from NOVA – School of Business and Economics