O governo Lula e a agenda dos anos 90: ambigüidade na política administrativa

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Uma análise do Programa “Bolsa Creche” no Município de Piracicaba/SP

Este trabalho tem como objetivo apresentar informações, ainda que preliminares, sobre o processo de implantação da Lei Municipal nº 5.081, sancionada em 19 de dezembro de 2001, no município de Piracicaba pela gestão do Partido dos Trabalhadores cujo texto outorga parcerias entre os setores público e privado. Neste trabalho entende-se por implantação a ação desencadeada pelo governo para introduzir, inserir e estabelecer uma determinada proposta no campo educacional, no caso em estudo, a proposta refere-se ao Programa “Bolsa-Creche”.

Entre o saber revelado e o saber aprendido

Este artigo é parte das discussões feitas na minha pesquisa de mestrado que procurou, através de um recorte específico – a Paróquia Nossa Senhora Aparecida da cidade de Matão – evidenciar o papel preponderante que a Igreja Católica Progressista desempenhou na formação de lideranças políticas. Procurou mostrar, também, como o universo religioso pôde embasar a atuação de militantes na política partidária, mais especificamente, no Partido dos Trabalhadores.

A democratização da educação no município de Sarandi, Paraná: as diretrizes educacionais do governo do PT (2001-2008)

Pós-graduação em Educação - FFC

A representação da CUT nos governos Lula (2003-2010)

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FCLAR

O padrão de desenvolvimento dos agronegócios no Brasil e a atualidade histórica da reforma agrária

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A política educacional do PT na Prefeitura Municipal de São Paulo (1989-1992): formulação e institucionalização

It was investigated how the conceptions of PT for the educational area defended in national meetings of the party have configured as policies in the City Hall of São Paulo during 1989-1992. It was made an analysis of official documents and measures adopted by the Municipal Education Secretariat. Then, it could be concluded that the priorities of implementation of the PT proposal entitled popular public school were based on four categories: Democratization of Management; New Quality of Teaching; Movement of Adult and Youth Literacy (MOVA) and Democratization Access.

A Zona Franca de Manaus sob a perspectiva do desenvolvimento histórico-econômico da Amazônia brasileira ocidental (2002-2014)

Dada a atual importância ambiental e econômico-política da Amazônia, busca-se analisar e compreender a totalidade da Zona Franca de Manaus (ZFM) em relação à Amazônia Ocidental, à Amazônia Brasileira, ao Brasil, aos outros países amazônicos e à Comunidade Internacional, sob os âmbitos histórico-econômico, ambiental, político e social. A escolha da Zona Franca de Manaus como recorte se deve à forma pontual com que este projeto geopolítico se desenvolveu gerando um pólo industrial regional/nacional/internacional e, simultaneamente, evitando a exploração e devastação da floresta amazônica ocidental. A escolha do período de 2002 a 2014 se dá em função da necessidade de um maior aprofundamento de análise somada ao fato de que a República Federativa do Brasil se encontra - neste período - sob a mesma linha diretiva política, evidenciando assim a necessidade de pesquisar o que tem sido feito na ZFM pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) nos governos de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) e Dilma Roussef (2011-2018). Os dados têm mostrado que a ZFM busca estar em consonância com o Governo Federal à medida que esta tem investido em instituições locais de ciência, tecnologia e inovação (como por exemplo o Centro de Biotecnologia da Amazônia - CBA), buscando internacionalizar a indústria local, assim como interiorizar o desenvolvimento para a região

Entrando na partida: a formulação de políticas de comunicação e cultura para jogos digitais no Brasil entre 2003 e 2014

Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC

A face neodesenvolvimentista do Estado brasileiro: o falseamento da "questão social"

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Os "doutores" da federação: formação acadêmica dos senadores brasileiros e variáveis associadas

Fazemos uma descrição detalhada da formação acadêmica dos senadores brasileiros no período de 1987 a 2006, buscando identificar padrões "cross section" e ao longo do tempo. Procuramos também avaliar se as formações estão relacionadas à região de origem, à filiação partidária, à participação nas comissões, à experiência parlamentar e ao comportamento em votações nominais no plenário do Senado. Verificamos que há um predomínio de senadores formados em Direito, mas a sua proporção vem caindo ao longo do tempo. Outros grupos importantes foram os dos engenheiros, dos profissionais da saúde e da área de Humanidades. Destacamos o papel dos senadores formados em Economia, que se concentraram na região Sudeste, nos partidos com vocação presidencial - Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e no Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) - e na Comissão de Assuntos Econômicos. Os economistas parecem ter desempenhado um papel importante, em um momento de crises econômicas internas e externas, de inflação galopante e de uma agenda que privilegiava ajustes fiscais, reformas, privatizações e estabilidade macroeconômica.

Classes sociais e eleições presidenciais no Brasil contemporâneo (2002-2010)

This work aims to analyze, in terms of class, the social composition of the constituency of the presidential candidates of the Workers Party in 2002, 2006 and 2010 elections. Such research object is constructed from a preliminary critical debate with recent Brazilian electoral studies, especially the literature on the infl uence of social programs on voting and Singer’s formulations about the lulismo phenomenon. Incorporating advances and pointing out gaps in such research efforts, is formulated a roadmap for empirical research constituted of three key elements - the measure ment of the dimensions of class structure in Brazilian capitalism; the observation of material interests related to the constituents locations of such structure; the development of measures of association between the insertion in class groupings and indivi dual voting behavior. Based on the neo - Marxist approach of class analysis, especially as formulated by Wright, it is made an adaptation of the typology formulated by such approach (mainly developed by Santos to the Brazilian case) to the data available fro m databases of censuses of 2000 and 2010. This theoretical construct reveals that during the period considered for the analysis, the structure of class - relations in Brazil became more proletarized and consequently had a decrease of the dimensions of the de stitute class locations. In addition, it was found, in relation to the objective class interests, widespread increments of economic welfare that allowed advances in relation to the material conditions of the proletariat, without, however, incurring losses to the privileged class positions. Such changes in the structural sphere focused in various ways on the political arena. Based on an adaptation to electoral analysis of the concept of "class formation", also formulated by Wright, associated with the use of techniques of ecological inference (especially those proposed by King and associates), it was possible to draw up an overview of class voting in period studied. As main results, three general patterns of individual voting behavior, related to each of the three analyzed class groupings were identified - a contraposition against PT candidates, by voters in privileged class locations; the adhesion, recurring throughout the study period, of workers to Lula and Dilma Rousseff; a favorable electoral shift unde rtaken by economically deprived voters in favor of those candidatures in the 2006 election.

O comportamento eleitoral da nova classe trabalhadora no Rio Grande do Norte 2014: ideologia, avaliação de governo e voto

This thesis investigates the voting behavior of the fractions of the new working class in Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in the cities of Natal, Mossoró and Caicó, from the presidential election of 2014. This research examined the ideology, the evaluation of government and guidance the vote of a portion of the working classes of RN voters. In Brazil, from 2003, socio-economic change has occurred perceptibly, especially in a part of the working classes who ascended socially and switched to the "C economic class." Thus, there was this period, a significant expansion of this social stratum. The expansion of the "class C" in the past decade in Brazil raised the academic debate and in the media about the emergence of a "new middle class". Neri (2008) termed the "class C" of the "new middle class" and that will be the central part of their studies. But the debate on the "new middle class" can not be simplistic to the point of considering that social mobility, the main variable income, entered this segment of the population in the middle class, because it has different specificities of the popular classes. To understand this phenomenon, the income variable was outdated, adding the importance of ownership of the means of production, control of labor power and the symbolic values in the division of social classes resulting in three fractions of the new working class: the management positions, non-heads and small fighters. In this study, using as a complement to the sociological approach (ideologies and social classes) and the performance evaluation was identified that the new working class (heads) mainly reproduced the ideological and political positioning of the middle class, resulting in the rejection of PT governments (2003-2014) and it’s social, compensatory and redistributive policies. From what has been seen, the new working class (chiefs) approaches the ideological and political behavior of the middle class that will reflect in their electoral choices and class interests. The new working class (not heads and small fighters who voted in the situation) because of its classist and ideological interests approached the Workers' Party positively evaluating the Lula-Dilma governments (2003-2014) due to the implementation of compensatory policies, and redistributive programs government turned to the popular classes. In a counterpoint, the voters of the new working class (not heads and small fighters) who voted null, reproduced the discourse of mainstream media and the middle class about the rejection of compensatory policies, redistribution and government programs of Lula-Dilma governments, and consequently they disapproved of the government Dilma and her candidacy.

Em busca do tempo partido: a consciência histórica e o MST

The work that follows is dedicated to the study of the historic time experience by the political militancy from our time. The political militant from the left-wing is the one that denies the state of current things, recovering a historic experience located far before its time and projecting a future beyond the incessant reproduction of the present relations. We chosen the Landless Workers Movement, not as study object, but as specific place where this consciousness is made and can be comprehended. The historic consciousness study of the landless militancy is, for us, the best starting point to understand the magnification of the historical time operated on the change of social relations lived inside an organization. The time division between before and after, as well as the history being understood as a progress isn t a natural given data, but a construction that obeys the contradictions of the present. It, therefore, must understand how the present lived by the militancy operates changes on the consciousness of time. From documents, reference books, formation notebooks and several materials produced by MST, we try to understand the way that the movement tells his history and lists with this wider experience of the struggle for the change of the current social order. Similarly, when we hear reports of history of several militants, we try to comprehend how this wider narrative re-orients the sight over history himself, over the experience of contradictions on before and after making the landless militant