933 resultados para Palonen, Kari: Quentin Skinner : history, politics, rhetoric
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Added engraved title page: The history of Lapland.
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The emergence of the idea of multiculturalism in Swedish public discourse and social science in the latter half of the 1960s and introduction of official multiculturalism in 1975 constituted a major intellectual and political shift in the post-war history of Sweden. The ambition of the 1975 immigrant and minority policy to enable the preservation of ethno-cultural minorities and to create a positive attitude towards the new multicultural society among the majority population was also incorporated into Swedish cultural, educational and media policies. The rejection of assimilationism and the new commitment to ethno-cultural diversity, the multicultural moment, has earned Sweden a place on the list of the early adopters of official multiculturalism, together with Canada and Australia. This compilation thesis examines the origins and early post-war history of the idea of multiculturalism as well as the interplay between idea and politics in the shift from a public ideal of homogeneity to an ideal of multiculturalism in Sweden. It does so from a range of conceptual, comparative, transnational, and biographical perspectives. The thesis consists of an introduction (Part I) and four previously published studies (Part II). The primary research result of the thesis concerns the agency involved in the break-through and formal establishment of the idea of multiculturalism in Sweden. Actors such as ethnic activists, experts and officials were instrumental in the introduction and establishment of multiculturalism in Sweden, as they also had been in Canada and in Australia. These actors have, however, not previously been recognized and analysed as significant idea-makers and political agents in the case of Sweden. The intertwined connections between activists, social scientists, linguists, and officials facilitated the transfer of the idea of multiculturalism from a publically contested idea to public policy via the way of The Swedish Trade Union Confederation, academia and the Royal Commission of Immigration. The thesis furthermore shows that the political success of the idea of multiculturalism, such as it was within the limits of the universalist social democratic welfare state, was dependent on whom the claims-makers were, the status and positions they held, and the way the idea of multiculturalism was conceptualised and used. It was also dependent on the migratory context of labour immigration in the 1960s and 1970s and on whose behalf the advocates of multiculturalism made their claims. The majority of the labour immigrants were Finnish citizens from the former eastern half of the kingdom of Sweden who were net contributors to the Swedish welfare state. This facilitated the recognition of their ethno-cultural difference, and, following the logic of universalism, the ethno-cultural difference of other minority groups in Sweden. The historical significance of the multicultural moment is still evident in the contemporary immigration and integration policies of Sweden. The affirmation of diversity continues to set Sweden apart from the rest of Europe, now more so than in the 1970s, even though the migratory context has changed radically in the last 40 years.
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Register of state papers, history, and politics for the years 1813 - 1814.
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UANL
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Although Theory of International Politics is a standard-bearer for explanatory theory in international relations (IR), Waltz’s methodology has been subject to numerous quite disparate analyses. One reason why it has proved hard to pin down is that too little attention has been paid to how, in practice, Waltz approaches real-world problems. Despite his neopositivist rhetoric, Waltz applies neorealism in a notably loose, even indeterminate, fashion. There is therefore a disjunction between what he says and what he does. This is partly explained by his unsatisfactory attempt to reconcile his avowed neopositivism with his belief that international politics is characterized by organized complexity. The inconsistencies thus created also help to make sense of why competing interpretations of his methodology have emerged. Some aspects of his work do point beyond these particular methodological travails in ways that will continue to be of interest to IR theorists, but its most enduring methodological lesson may be that rhetoric and practice do not necessarily fit harmoniously together.
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References to a “New North” have snowballed across popular media in the past 10 years. By invoking the phrase, scientists, policy analysts, journalists and others draw attention to the collision of global warming and global investment in the Arctic today and project a variety of futures for the region and the planet. While changes are apparent, the trope of a “New North” is not new. Discourses that appraised unfamiliar situations at the top of the world have recurred throughout the twentieth century. They have also accompanied attempts to cajole, conquer, civilize, consume, conserve and capitalize upon the far north. This article examines these politics of the “New North” by critically reading “New North” texts from the North American Arctic between 1910 and 2010. In each case, appeals to novelty drew from evaluations of the historical record and assessments of the Arctic’s shifting position in global affairs. “New North” authors pinpointed the ways science, state power, capital and technology transformed northern landscapes at different moments in time. They also licensed political and corporate influence in the region by delimiting the colonial legacies already apparent there. Given these tendencies, scholars need to approach the most recent iteration of the “New North” carefully without concealing or repeating the most troubling aspects of the Arctic’s past.
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by Horace Meyer Kallen
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Reconhecendo, a partir da constatação empírica, a multiplicidade de escolhas de crenças no Mundo e em particular na periferia urbana paulistana, reconhecemos, também, a emergência criativa de novas possibilidades de crer e não crer. Tal amplitude não apenas aponta para o crer (segundo as ofertas de um sem número de religiões) e o não crer (ateu e agnóstico), mas para uma escolha que poderia vir a ser silenciada e esquecida, neste binômio arcaico e obsoleto, quando alguém se dá à liberdade crer sem ter religião. Reconhecer interessadamente os sem-religião nas periferias urbanas paulistanas é dar-se conta das violências a que estes indivíduos estão submetidos: violência econômica, violência da cidadania (vulnerabilidade) e proveniente da armas (grupos x Estado). Tanto quanto a violência do esquecimento e silenciamento. A concomitância espaço-temporal dos sem-religião nas periferias, levou-nos buscar referências em teorias de secularização e de laicidade, e, a partir destas, traçar uma história do poder violento, cuja pretensão é a inelutabilidade, enquanto suas fissuras são abertas em espaços de resistências. A história da legitimação do poder que se quer único, soberano, de caráter universal, enquanto fragmenta a sociedade em indivíduos atomizados, fragilizando vínculos horizontais, e a dos surgimentos de resistências não violentas questionadoras da totalidade trágica, ao reconhecer a liberdade de ser com autonomia, enquanto se volta para a produção de partilha de bens comuns. Propomos reconhecer a igual liberdade de ser (expressa na crença da filiação divina) e de partilhar o bem comum em reconhecimentos mútuos (expressa pela ação social), uma expressão de resistência não violenta ao poder que requer a igual abdicação da liberdade pela via da fragmentação individualizante e submissão inquestionável à ordem totalizante. Os sem-religião nas periferias urbanas, nossos contemporâneos, partilhariam uma tal resistência, ao longo da história, com as melissas gregas, os profetas messiânicos hebreus, os hereges cristãos e os ateus modernos, cuja pretensão não é o poder, mas a partilha igual da liberdade e dos bens comuns. Estes laicos, de fato, seriam agentes de resistências de reconhecimento mútuos, em espaços de multiplicidade crescente, ao poder violento real na história.
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I. The French alliance. Condition of the church. The eve of the reformation, 1550-1559. The war of reformation, 1559-1560. The reformation parliament. John Knox. Maitland and Mary Stewart, 1561-1567. Civil war, 1568-1573. The new religion. Church and state. Bishops and presbyters, 1572-1625. The reign of the moderates. The national covenant, 1625-1638. Presbytery restored, 1638. The Glasgow assembly.--II. The covenant in arms, 1639-1641. The solemn league and covenant, 1641-1643. The royalist reaction, 1644-1648. The theocratic experiment, 1648-1651. The reign of the zealots. The restoration, 1651-1663. The Pentland rising, 1663-1667. The Leighton group, 1667-1674. The Bothwell rising, 1674-1680. Fanaticism and repression, 1680-1685. The revolution, 1685-1688. The revolution settlement, 1688-1695.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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In each vol. the appendix, consisting of state papers, etc., has separate pagination.