934 resultados para Optimized eco-economic spatial structure
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In this paper we analyze some factors of urban life in small towns, among which we can highlight the political, economic and social, more specifically in the city of Emilianópolis, and its great dependence on other cities. The number of small towns has grown in recent years and this study shows is of great importance for understanding the differences that exist between them and the larger cities. Where Emilianópolis, having its location next to a city average (Presidente Prudente), we realize that its existence depends largely on the proximity of that with a bigger city. The study looked at the origin of the city, its spatial structure, its insertion into the urban network and the degree of dependence with other cities, notably Presidente Prudente, which generates a steady stream of people moving from Emilianópolis to study, work, leisure, between others, besides the permanent migration, which often makes life easier for those residents. With this study, we intend to demonstrate how Emilianópolis is inserted into the urban network, how is its interaction with other cities and how they live their inhabitants
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We provide a detailed account of the spatial structure of the Brazilian sardine (Sardinella brasiliensis) spawning and nursery habitats, using ichthyoplankton data from nine surveys (1976-1993) covering the Southeastern Brazilian Bight (SBB). The spatial variability of sardine eggs and larvae was partitioned into predefined spatial-scale classes (broad scale, 200-500 km; medium scale, 50-100 km; and local scale, <50 km). The relationship between density distributions at both developmental stages and environmental descriptors (temperature and salinity) was also explored within these spatial scales. Spatial distributions of sardine eggs were mostly structured on medium and local scales, while larvae were characterized by broad-and medium-scale distributions. Broad-and medium-scale surface temperatures were positively correlated with sardine densities, for both developmental stages. Correlations with salinity were predominantly negative and concentrated on a medium scale. Broad-scale structuring might be explained by mesoscale processes, such as pulsing upwelling events and Brazil Current meandering at the northern portion of the SBB, while medium-scale relationships may be associated with local estuarine outflows. The results indicate that processes favouring vertical stability might regulate the spatial extensions of suitable spawning and nursery habitats for the Brazilian sardine.
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Questions What are the main features of the seed rain in a fragmented Atlantic forest landscape? Can seed rain species attributes (life form, dispersal mode, successional status) relate to the spatial arrangement (size and number of fragments, edge density and presence of corridor) of forest fragments in the landscape? How does the rain forest landscape structure affect the seed rain? Location Atlantic rainforest, Sao Paulo State, Southeastern Brazil. Methods Seed rain samples were collected monthly throughout 1yr, counted, identified and classified according to species dispersal mode, successional status and life form. Seed rain composition was compared with woody species near the seed traps. Relationships between seed rain composition and landscape spatial arrangement (fragment area, presence of corridor, number of fragments in the surroundings, proximity of fragments, and edge density) were tested using canonical correspondence analysis (CCA). Results We collected 20142 seeds belonging to 115 taxa, most of them early successional and anemochorous trees. In general, the seed rain had a species composition distinct from that of the nearby forest tree community. Small isolated fragments contained more seeds, mainly of anemochorous, epiphytic and early-successional species; large fragments showed higher association with zoochorous and late-successional species compared to small fragments. The CCA significantly distinguished the species dispersal mode according to fragment size and isolation, anemochorous species being associated to small and isolated fragments, and zoochorous species to larger areas and fragment aggregation. Nevertheless, a gradient driven by proximity (PROX) and edge density (ED) segregated lianas (in the positive extremity), early successional and epiphyte species (in the negative end); large fragments were positively associated to PROX and ED. Conclusions The results highlight the importance of the size and spatial arrangement of forest patches to promote habitat connectivity and improve the flux of animal-dispersed seeds. Landscape structure controls seed fluxes and affects plant dispersal capacity, potentially influencing the composition and structure of forest fragments. The seed rain composition may be used to assess the effects of landscape spatial structure on plant assemblages, and provide relevant information for biodiversity conservation.
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We carried out 84 trawls in 41 seagrass meadows composed of the phanerogam Cymodocea nodosa at three islands of the Canarian Archipelago, during June to September 2003, in order to describe the associated ichthyofauna (composition, richness, and abundance), to analyze the role that this habitat can play in fish recruitment, and to determine the potential relationship between the spatial structure of the seagrass meadow and the patterns of richness and abundance of the fish assemblage. A total of 8298 individuals were captured. The five most relevant species, in terms of abundance and frequency, were Spondyliosoma cantharus, Diplodus annularis, Syngnathus typhle, Mullus surmuletus, and Pagellus erythrinus. Gran Canaria had the largest species richness (36 species) and mean number of species per sample (8.69 ± 0.49; mean ± SE). Lanzarote had the largest number of individuals (64.83% of the total registered) and mean total abundance per sample (168.39 ± 30.91). High densities of individuals were registered (95.86 ± 13.5) and 92.91% of fishes were juveniles. Our data showed that the physical configuration of the seagrass meadows did not significantly affect the patterns of richness and abundance of the associated fish assemblage. In conclusion, the C. nodosa meadows exhibited a singular ichthyofauna and they contribute to the maintenance of the diversity of the coastal fish assemblages in the Canarian Archipelago. This habitat constitutes, during spring and summer, a nursery habitat for juvenile fishes of many species, several of them commercially targeted.
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In the last couple of decades we assisted to a reappraisal of spatial design-based techniques. Usually the spatial information regarding the spatial location of the individuals of a population has been used to develop efficient sampling designs. This thesis aims at offering a new technique for both inference on individual values and global population values able to employ the spatial information available before sampling at estimation level by rewriting a deterministic interpolator under a design-based framework. The achieved point estimator of the individual values is treated both in the case of finite spatial populations and continuous spatial domains, while the theory on the estimator of the population global value covers the finite population case only. A fairly broad simulation study compares the results of the point estimator with the simple random sampling without replacement estimator in predictive form and the kriging, which is the benchmark technique for inference on spatial data. The Monte Carlo experiment is carried out on populations generated according to different superpopulation methods in order to manage different aspects of the spatial structure. The simulation outcomes point out that the proposed point estimator has almost the same behaviour as the kriging predictor regardless of the parameters adopted for generating the populations, especially for low sampling fractions. Moreover, the use of the spatial information improves substantially design-based spatial inference on individual values.
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Increasingly, regression models are used when residuals are spatially correlated. Prominent examples include studies in environmental epidemiology to understand the chronic health effects of pollutants. I consider the effects of residual spatial structure on the bias and precision of regression coefficients, developing a simple framework in which to understand the key issues and derive informative analytic results. When the spatial residual is induced by an unmeasured confounder, regression models with spatial random effects and closely-related models such as kriging and penalized splines are biased, even when the residual variance components are known. Analytic and simulation results show how the bias depends on the spatial scales of the covariate and the residual; bias is reduced only when there is variation in the covariate at a scale smaller than the scale of the unmeasured confounding. I also discuss how the scales of the residual and the covariate affect efficiency and uncertainty estimation when the residuals can be considered independent of the covariate. In an application on the association between black carbon particulate matter air pollution and birth weight, controlling for large-scale spatial variation appears to reduce bias from unmeasured confounders, while increasing uncertainty in the estimated pollution effect.
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Der Umbau der durch den Einsatz fossiler Energieträger dominierten Energiesysteme steht weit oben auf der politischen Agenda. Angesichts des fortschreitenden Klimawandels, der Ressourcenverknappung und des ökonomischen Aufholens der Schwellen- und Entwicklungsländer wird diese Frage immer dringlicher. Zahlreiche politische, gesellschaftliche, ökonomische und ökologische Herausforderungen sind mit diesem Umbau verbunden. Angesichts der Langlebigkeit der heute gebauten Infrastrukturen ergibt sich hieraus ein zentrales Feld für die wissenschaftliche Zukunftsforschung. Der Einsatz von Energieszenarios ist über Jahre erprobt und trotz zahlreicher methodischer und inhaltlicher Unsicherheiten bei der Erarbeitung der Szenariostudien bleiben sie unersetzlich – sofern sie wissenschaftliche Standards hinsichtlich der Wertneutralität und Überprüfbarkeit erfüllen. Auch in der geographischen Forschung findet sich das Thema „Energie“ wieder verstärkt auf der Agenda. Bereits vor dem Hintergrund der Ölpreiskrisen in den 1970er-Jahren setzten sich Geographinnen und Geographen mit Energiethemen auseinander – angesichts des anstehenden Umbaus der Energiesysteme wird auch wieder die Frage aktuell, inwiefern sich die Transformation des Energiesystems und die Raumstruktur gegenseitig beeinflussen. Dabei werden nicht nur inhaltliche Fragen aufgeworfen, vielmehr ist auch zu klären, wie sich das Thema „Energie“ in die etablierten geographischen Forschungsdisziplinen von der Klimageographie über die Wirtschafts- und Bevölkerungsgeographie bis hin zur Siedlungsgeographie eingliedern lässt. Die Ausführungen im vorliegenden Artikel gehen noch einen Schritt weiter und werfen die Frage auf, inwiefern sich durch die Verbindung geographischer Forschung und Energiethemen auch ein neues methodisches Experimentierfeld auftut. Konkret wird aufgezeigt, dass die Geographie verstärkt den Blick in die Zukunft wagen und sich von der Analyse rezenter Strukturen lösen sollte. Die Frage der zukünftigen Raumstrukturen angesichts des Umbaus der Energiesysteme ist von zentraler Bedeutung, unter Anwendung von Methoden der wissenschaftlichen Zukunftsforschung muss die Geographie hier antworten liefern.
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Simulating surface wind over complex terrain is a challenge in regional climate modelling. Therefore, this study aims at identifying a set-up of the Weather Research and Forecasting Model (WRF) model that minimises system- atic errors of surface winds in hindcast simulations. Major factors of the model configuration are tested to find a suitable set-up: the horizontal resolution, the planetary boundary layer (PBL) parameterisation scheme and the way the WRF is nested to the driving data set. Hence, a number of sensitivity simulations at a spatial resolution of 2 km are carried out and compared to observations. Given the importance of wind storms, the analysis is based on case studies of 24 historical wind storms that caused great economic damage in Switzerland. Each of these events is downscaled using eight different model set-ups, but sharing the same driving data set. The results show that the lack of representation of the unresolved topography leads to a general overestimation of wind speed in WRF. However, this bias can be substantially reduced by using a PBL scheme that explicitly considers the effects of non-resolved topography, which also improves the spatial structure of wind speed over Switzerland. The wind direction, although generally well reproduced, is not very sensitive to the PBL scheme. Further sensitivity tests include four types of nesting methods: nesting only at the boundaries of the outermost domain, analysis nudging, spectral nudging, and the so-called re-forecast method, where the simulation is frequently restarted. These simulations show that restricting the freedom of the model to develop large-scale disturbances slightly increases the temporal agreement with the observations, at the same time that it further reduces the overestimation of wind speed, especially for maximum wind peaks. The model performance is also evaluated in the outermost domains, where the resolution is coarser. The results demonstrate the important role of horizontal resolution, where the step from 6 to 2 km significantly improves model performance. In summary, the combination of a grid size of 2 km, the non-local PBL scheme modified to explicitly account for non-resolved orography, as well as analysis or spectral nudging, is a superior combination when dynamical downscaling is aimed at reproducing real wind fields.
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Patterns of size inequality in crowded plant populations are often taken to be indicative of the degree of size asymmetry of competition, but recent research suggests that some of the patterns attributed to size‐asymmetric competition could be due to spatial structure. To investigate the theoretical relationships between plant density, spatial pattern, and competitive size asymmetry in determining size variation in crowded plant populations, we developed a spatially explicit, individual‐based plant competition model based on overlapping zones of influence. The zone of influence of each plant is modeled as a circle, growing in two dimensions, and is allometrically related to plant biomass. The area of the circle represents resources potentially available to the plant, and plants compete for resources in areas in which they overlap. The size asymmetry of competition is reflected in the rules for dividing up the overlapping areas. Theoretical plant populations were grown in random and in perfectly uniform spatial patterns at four densities under size‐asymmetric and size‐symmetric competition. Both spatial pattern and size asymmetry contributed to size variation, but their relative importance varied greatly over density and over time. Early in stand development, spatial pattern was more important than the symmetry of competition in determining the degree of size variation within the population, but after plants grew and competition intensified, the size asymmetry of competition became a much more important source of size variation. Size variability was slightly higher at higher densities when competition was symmetric and plants were distributed nonuniformly in space. In a uniform spatial pattern, size variation increased with density only when competition was size asymmetric. Our results suggest that when competition is size asymmetric and intense, it will be more important in generating size variation than is local variation in density. Our results and the available data are consistent with the hypothesis that high levels of size inequality commonly observed within crowded plant populations are largely due to size‐asymmetric competition, not to variation in local density.
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Introduction : Economic reform in Indonesia after the Asian currency crisis is often discussed in parallel with Thailand and South Korea, which were alike hit by the crisis. It should however be noted that what happened in Indonesia was a change of political regime from authoritarianism to democracy, not just a change of government as seen in Thailand and South Korea. Indonesia’s post-crisis reform should be understood in the context of dismantling of the Soeharto regime to seek a new democratic state system. In the political sphere, dramatic institutional changes have occurred since the downfall of the Soeharto government in May 1998. In comparison, changes in the economic sphere are more complex than the political changes, as the former involve at least three aspects. The first is the continuity in the basic framework of capitalist system with policy orientation toward economic liberalization. In this framework, the policies to overcome the crisis are continued from the last period of the Soeharto rule, under the support system of IMF and CGI (Consultative Group on Indonesia). The second aspect is the impact of the political regime change on the economic structure. It is considered that the structure of economic vested interests of the Soeharto regime is being disintegrated as the regime breaks down. The third aspect is the impact of the political regime change on economic policy-making process. The process of formulating and implementing policies has changed drastically from the Soeharto time. With these three aspects simultaneously at work, it is not so easy to identify which of them is the main cause for a given specific economic phenomenon emerging in Indonesia today. Keeping this difficulty in mind, this paper attempts to situate the post-crisis economic reform in the broader context of the historical development of Indonesian economic policies and their achievements. We focus in particular on the reform policies for banking and corporate sectors and resulting structural changes in these sectors. This paper aims at understanding the significance of the changes in the economic ownership structure that are occurring in the post-Soeharto Indonesia. Economic policies here do not mean macro economic policies, such as fiscal, financial and trade policies, but refer to micro economic policies whereby the government intervenes in the economic ownership structure. In Section 1, we clarify why economic policies for intervening in the ownership structure are important in understanding Indonesia. Section 2 follows the historical development of Indonesia’s economic policies as specified above, throughout the four successive periods since Indonesia’s independence, namely, the parliamentary democracy period, the Guided Democracy period under Soekarno, the Soeharto-regime consolidation period, and the Soeharto-regime transfiguration period2. Then we observe what economic ownership structure was at work in the pre-crisis last days of the Soeharto rule as an outcome of the economic policies. In Section 3, we examine what structural changes have taken place in the banking and corporate sectors due to the reform policies in the post-crisis and post-Soeharto Indonesia. Lastly in Section 4, we interpret the current reorganization of the economic ownership in the context of the historical transition of the ownership structure, taking account of the changes in the policy-making processes under democratization.
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Persistence and abundance of species is determined by habitat availability and the ability to disperse and colonize habitats at contrasting spatial scales. Favourable habitat fragments are also heterogeneous in quality, providing differing opportunities for establishment and affecting the population dynamics of a species. Based on these principles, we suggest that the presence and abundance of epiphytes may reflect their dispersal ability, which is primarily determined by the spatial structure of host trees, but also by host quality. To our knowledge there has been no explicit test of the importance of host tree spatial pattern for epiphytes in Mediterranean forests. We hypothesized that performance and host occupancy in a favourable habitat depend on the spatial pattern of host trees, because this pattern affects the dispersal ability of each epiphyte and it also determines the availability of suitable sites for establishment. We tested this hypothesis using new point pattern analysis tools and generalized linear mixed models to investigate the spatial distribution and performance of the epiphytic lichen Lobaria pulmonaria, which inhabits two types of host trees (beeches and Iberian oaks). We tested the effects on L. pulmonaria distribution of tree size, spatial configuration, and host tree identity. We built a model including tree size, stand structure, and several neighbourhood predictors to understand the effect of host tree on L. pulmonaria. We also investigated the relative importance of spatial patterning on the presence and abundance of the species, independently of the host tree configuration. L. pulmonaria distribution was highly dependent on habitat quality for successful establishment, i.e., tree species identity, tree diameter, and several forest stand structure surrogates. For beech trees, tree diameter was the main factor influencing presence and cover of the lichen, although larger lichen-colonized trees were located close to focal trees, i.e., young trees. However, oak diameter was not an important factor, suggesting that bark roughness at all diameters favoured lichen establishment. Our results indicate that L. pulmonaria dispersal is not spatially restricted, but it is dependent on habitat quality. Furthermore, new spatial analysis tools suggested that L. pulmonaria cover exhibits a distinct pattern, although the spatial pattern of tree position and size was random.
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Persistence and abundance of species is determined by habitat availability and the ability to disperse and colonize habitats at contrasting spatial scales. Favourable habitat fragments are also heterogeneous in quality, providing differing opportunities for establishment and affecting the population dynamics of a species. Based on these principles, we suggest that the presence and abundance of epiphytes may reflect their dispersal ability, which is primarily determined by the spatial structure of host trees, but also by host quality. To our knowledge there has been no explicit test of the importance of host tree spatial pattern for epiphytes in Mediterranean forests. We hypothesized that performance and host occupancy in a favourable habitat depend on the spatial pattern of host trees, because this pattern affects the dispersal ability of each epiphyte and it also determines the availability of suitable sites for establishment. We tested this hypothesis using new point pattern analysis tools and generalized linear mixed models to investigate the spatial distribution and performance of the epiphytic lichen Lobaria pulmonaria, which inhabits two types of host trees (beeches and Iberian oaks). We tested the effects on L. pulmonaria distribution of tree size, spatial configuration, and host tree identity. We built a model including tree size, stand structure, and several neighbourhood predictors to understand the effect of host tree on L. pulmonaria. We also investigated the relative importance of spatial patterning on the presence and abundance of the species, independently of the host tree configuration. L. pulmonaria distribution was highly dependent on habitat quality for successful establishment, i.e., tree species identity, tree diameter, and several forest stand structure surrogates. For beech trees, tree diameter was the main factor influencing presence and cover of the lichen, although larger lichen-colonized trees were located close to focal trees, i.e., young trees. However, oak diameter was not an important factor, suggesting that bark roughness at all diameters favoured lichen establishment. Our results indicate that L. pulmonaria dispersal is not spatially restricted, but it is dependent on habitat quality. Furthermore, new spatial analysis tools suggested that L. pulmonaria cover exhibits a distinct pattern, although the spatial pattern of tree position and size was random.
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Spatial variability of Vertisol properties is relevant for identifying those zones with physical degradation. In this sense, one has to face the problem of identifying the origin and distribution of spatial variability patterns. The objectives of the present work were (i) to quantify the spatial structure of different physical properties collected from a Vertisol, (ii) to search for potential correlations between different spatial patterns and (iii) to identify relevant components through multivariate spatial analysis. The study was conducted on a Vertisol (Typic Hapludert) dedicated to sugarcane (Saccharum officinarum L.) production during the last sixty years. We used six soil properties collected from a squared grid (225 points) (penetrometer resistance (PR), total porosity, fragmentation dimension (Df), vertical electrical conductivity (ECv), horizontal electrical conductivity (ECh) and soil water content (WC)). All the original data sets were z-transformed before geostatistical analysis. Three different types of semivariogram models were necessary for fitting individual experimental semivariograms. This suggests the different natures of spatial variability patterns. Soil water content rendered the largest nugget effect (C0 = 0.933) while soil total porosity showed the largest range of spatial correlation (A = 43.92 m). The bivariate geostatistical analysis also rendered significant cross-semivariance between different paired soil properties. However, four different semivariogram models were required in that case. This indicates an underlying co-regionalization between different soil properties, which is of interest for delineating management zones within sugarcane fields. Cross-semivariograms showed larger correlation ranges than individual, univariate, semivariograms (A ≥ 29 m). All the findings were supported by multivariate spatial analysis, which showed the influence of soil tillage operations, harvesting machinery and irrigation water distribution on the status of the investigated area.
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"Si el hombre es el cuidador de las palabras y sólo de ellas emerge el sentido de las cosas, la arquitectura tiene un cometido preciso: hacer de las condiciones ya dadas de cada lugar palabras que signifiquen las cualidades de la existencia, y que desvelen la riqueza y contenidos que en ellas se contienen potencialmente" Ignasi Solá Morales. Lugar: permanencia o producción, 1992. Esta tesis surge tanto del afán por comprender la identidad de uno de los espacios más representativos de mi ciudad, asumido familiarmente pero que plantea muchas dudas respecto a su caracterización, como de la preocupación personal respecto a la aparente hegemonía del modelo urbano de la "ciudad genérica", crudamente expuesto por Rem Koolhaas a finales del siglo XX, que pone en crisis la ciudad histórica. El territorio, espacio físico concreto, y la memoria asociada a este, obliterados, son considerados como punto de partida para confrontarlos con la proclamación del nuevo modelo de "ciudad genérica", de raíz eminentemente económica y tecnológica. La realidad tangible de un espacio, aparentemente forjado en base a los valores denostados por el nuevo modelo propuesto, se estudia desde las premisas opuestas. La idea del no-lugar, teorizado por Marc Augé y tomado como modelo por Koolhaas, supone éste emancipado tanto de las preexistencias históricas como de su ubicación física concreta, planteando un tipo de espacio de representación al margen del territorio y la memoria. Sin pretender adoptar una postura resistente u opuesta, sino antitética y complementaria, se toman aquí las premisas de Koolhaas para contrastarlas con una porción del territorio a medio camino entre la arquitectura y la ciudad, a fin de desarrollar una reflexión que sirva de complemento y contrapeso al paradigma espacial que la “ciudad genérica” implica y cuya inmediatez y supuesta anomia parecen anular cualquier intención interpretativa al neutralizar los centros históricos y proclamar el agotamiento de la historia. El planteamiento de una teoría dicotómica frente al espacio y las teorías arquitectónicas asociadas a este ya fue formulado por Colin Rowe y Fred Koetter a finales de los años setenta del siglo pasado. Se plantea aquí la idea de una “ciudad tangible” como opuesta a la idea de la "ciudad genérica" enunciada por Koolhaas. Tomando el territorio y la memoria como referencia principal en un lugar concreto y huyendo de la premisa de la inmediatez del instante y el "presente perpetuo" proclamado por Koolhaas, del que según él seríamos prisioneros, se establece una distancia respecto al objeto de análisis que desarrolla el estudio en la dirección opuesta al supuesto origen del mismo, planteando la posibilidad de reactivar una reflexión en torno al territorio y la memoria en el seno del proceso global de habitación para poner de manifiesto determinados mecanismos de configuración de un espacio de representación al margen de la urgencia del presente, reactivando la memoria y su relación con el territorio como punto de partida. Desde de la reconstrucción hipotética del territorio, partiendo de la propia presencia física del mismo, su orografía, la paleo-biología, las analogías etológicas, los restos arqueológicos, la antropología o la historia, se reivindica la reflexión arquitectónica como disciplina diversa y privilegiada en cuanto al análisis espacial, tratando de discernir el proceso mediante el cual el Prado pasó de territorio a escenario. La organización cronológica del estudio y la incorporación de muy diversas fuentes, en su mayoría directas, pretende poner de manifiesto la condición transitiva del espacio de representación y contrastar el pasado remoto del lugar y su construcción con el momento actual, inevitablemente encarnado por el punto de vista desde el cual se desarrolla la tesis. El Prado parece albergar, agazapado en su nombre, la raíz de un origen remoto y olvidado. Si como enunciaba Ignasi Solá-Morales la función de la arquitectura es hacer aflorar los significados inherentes al lugar, esta tesis se plantea como una recuperación de la idea del vínculo entre el territorio y la memoria como fuente fundamental en la definición de un espacio de representación específico. El escrutinio del pasado constituye un acto eminentemente contemporáneo, pues el punto de vista y la distancia, inevitablemente condicionados por el presente, determinan la mirada. El culto contemporáneo a la inmediatez y la proclamación de la superación de los procesos históricos han relegado el pasado, en cierto grado, a depósito de restos o referente a superar, obviando su ineluctable condición de origen o momento anterior condicionante. Partiendo de la reconstrucción del lugar sobre el cual se halla el Prado ubicado y reconsiderando, según las premisas desarrolladas por la moderna historiografía, fundamentalmente desarrolladas por la Escuela francesa de los Annales, la cotidianeidad y lo anónimo como fuente de la que dimanan muchos de los actuales significados de nuestros espacios de representación, tomando como punto de partida un lugar remoto y olvidado, se estudia como se fue consolidando el Prado hasta devenir un lugar insigne de referencia asociado a los poderes fácticos y el espacio áulico de la capital de las Españas en el siglo XVII. El proceso mediante el cual el Prado pasó de territorio a escenario implica la recuperación de la memoria de un espacio agropecuario anónimo y el análisis de cómo, poco a poco, se fue depositando sobre el mismo el acervo de los diversos pobladores de la región que con sus particularidades culturales y sociales fueron condicionando, en mayor o menor grado, un lugar cuyo origen se extiende retrospectivamente hasta hace más de dos mil años, cuando se considera que pudo darse la primera habitación a partir de la cual, de manera ininterrumpida, el Prado ha venido siendo parte de lo que devino, más tarde, Madrid. La llegada de nuevos agentes, vinculados con estructuras de poder y territoriales que trascendían la inmediatez del territorio sobre el que se comenzó a erigir dicho lugar, sirven para repasar los diferentes depósitos ideológicos y culturales que han ido conformando el mismo, reivindicando la diversidad y lo heterogéneo del espacio de representación frente a la idea homogeneizadora que el modelo genérico implica. La constitución del Prado como un espacio de referencia asociado al paganismo arcaico a partir de la praxis espacial cotidiana, su relación con las estructuras defensivas de Al-Andalus y la atalaya Omeya, la apropiación del los primitivos santuarios por parte la iglesia, su relación con un determinado tipo de espiritualidad y las órdenes religiosas más poderosas de la época, la preferencia de Carlos V por Madrid y sus vínculos con la cultura europea del momento, o la definitiva metamorfosis del lugar a partir del siglo XVI y el advenimiento de un nuevo paganismo emblemático y estetizado, culminan con el advenimiento de lo económico como representación del poder en el seno de la corte y la erección del Palacio del Buen Retiro como manifestación tangible de la definitiva exaltación del Prado a espacio de representación áulico. Decía T.S. Elliot que la pugna por el espacio de la memoria constituye el principal rasgo del clasicismo, y el Prado, ciertamente, participa de ese carácter al que está profundamente asociado en la conciencia espacial de los madrileños como lugar de referencia. Acaso la obliteración del territorio y la memoria, propuestas en la “ciudad genérica” también tengan algo que ver con ello. ABSTRACT "If man is the caretaker of words and only they provide the sense of things, the architecture has a precise mission: to make out from the given conditions of each place words that mean the qualities of existence, and which unveil the wealth and content they potentially contain " Ignasi Solá Morales. Place: permanence or production, 1992. This thesis arises from both the desire to understand the identity of one of the most representative spaces of my city, assumed in a familiar way but that raises many doubts about its characterization, and from a personal concern about the apparent hegemony of the urban model of the "generic city " so crudely exposed by Rem Koolhaas in the late twentieth century that puts a strain on the historic city. The obliteration of the territory, specific physical space, and its associated memory, are considered as a starting point to confront them with the proclamation of the new model of "generic city" raised from eminently economic and technological roots. The tangible reality of a space, apparently forged based on the values reviled by the proposed new model, is studied from opposite premises. The idea of non-place, theorized by Marc Augé and modeled by Koolhaas, implies the emancipation from both historical preexistences and physical location, posing a type of space representation outside the territory and memory. Without wishing to establish a confrontational or opposite position, but an antithetical and complementary stance, the premises of Koolhaas are here taken to contrast them with a portion of territory halfway between architecture and the city, to develop a study that will complement and counterbalance the spatial paradigm that the "generic city" means and whose alleged immediacy and anomie appear to nullify any interpretative intention by neutralizing the historic centers and proclaiming the exhaustion of history. The approach of a dichotomous theory versus space and architectural theories associated with this were already formulated by Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter during the late seventies of last century. The idea of a "tangible city" as opposed to the idea of the "generic city" enunciated by Koolhaas arises here. Taking the territory and memory as the main reference in a particular place and trying to avoid the premise of the immediacy of the moment and the "perpetual present" proclaimed by Koolhaas, of which he pleas we would be prisoners, a distance is established from the object of analysis developing the study in the opposite direction to the alleged origin of it, raising the possibility of reactivating a reflection on the territory and memory within the overall process of inhabiting to reveal certain representational space configuration mechanisms outside the urgency of the present, reviving the memory and its relationship with the territory as a starting point. From the hypothetical reconstruction of the territory, starting from its physical presence, geography, paleo-biology, ethological analogies, archaeological remains, anthropology or history, architecture is claimed as a diverse as privileged discipline for spatial analysis, trying to discern the process by which the Prado moved from territory to stage. The chronological organization of the study and incorporating a variety of sources, most direct, aims to highlight the transitive condition of representational space and contrast the remote past of the place and its construction with the current moment, inevitably played by the view point from which the thesis develops. The Prado seems to harbor, in its name, the root of a remote and forgotten origin. If, as Ignasi Sola-Morales said, the aim of architecture is to bring out the meanings inherent in the site, this thesis is presented as a recovery of the idea of the link between the territory and memory as a key source in defining a specific space of representation. The scrutiny of the past is an eminently contemporary act, for the view and distance inevitably conditioned by the present, determine the way we look. The contemporary cult of immediacy and the proclamation of overcoming historical processes have relegated the past, to some extent, to remains deposit or a reference to overcome, ignoring its ineluctable condition as origin or previous constraint. From rebuilding the site on which the Prado is located and reconsidering everyday life and the anonymous as a source of many arising current meanings of our space of representation, according to the premises developed by modern historiography mainly developed by the French school of Annales, trying to recover the remote and forgotten is attempted, the thesis studies how el Prado was consolidated to become the most significant place of Madrid, deeply associated with the power in the capital of Spain during the XVII century. The process by which the Prado evolved from territory to stage involves the recovery of the memory of an anonymous agricultural space and the analysis of how, little by little, the influence of the various inhabitants of the region with their own and how their cultural and social peculiarities was deposited through time on the common ground and how that determined, to a greater or lesser degree, a place whose origin retrospectively extends over more than two thousand years ago, when we can consider the first inhabiting from which, without interruption, the Prado has come to be part of what became, later, Madrid. The arrival of new players, linked to power structures and territorial issues which transcended the immediacy of the territory on which the place begun to be a characteristic space, serve to review the different ideological and cultural deposits that have shaped the place, claiming diversity and heterogeneous space of representation before the homogenizing idea which the generic model implies. The constitution of the Prado as a benchmark associated with the archaic paganism developed from the ancient everyday spatial praxis, its relationship with the defensive structures of Al-Andalus and the Umayyad watchtower, the appropriation of the early sanctuaries by the roman church, its relationship with a certain type of spirituality and the most powerful religious orders of the time, the preference of Carlos V towards Madrid and its links with the European culture of the moment and the final metamorphosis of the place during the sixteenth century, end at the moment on which the advent of the economic as a representation of power within the court and the erection of the Palacio del Buen Retiro, as a tangible manifestation of the ultimate exaltation of courtly Prado space representation, happened in the mid XVII century. T. S. Elliot said that the struggle for memory space is the main feature of classicism, and the Prado certainly shares part of that character deeply associated in the mental spatial structure of the locals as a landmark. Perhaps the obliteration of territory and memory proposed in the "generic city" might also have something to do with that.
Resumo:
A metrópole de São Paulo é a maior e mais importante aglomeração urbana do Brasil e está entre as dez maiores áreas urbanas do mundo. No entanto, a forma como acessibilidade espacial ocorre gera um fardo para a população e para a atividade econômica. Este trabalho pretende contribuir para a discussão de como melhorar a acessibilidade na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo estudando as características e impactos de estruturas espaciais urbana, analisando criticamente a estrutura espacial da metrópole e proporcionando sugestões de melhorias a fim de proporcionar uma mobilidade mais sustentável. Os procedimentos metodológicos incluem uma revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema e uma caracterização da estrutura espacial da Região Metropolitana de São Paulo, considerando a alocação de população, alocação de empregos e os padrões de deslocamento para os modais individual, coletivo e não motorizado. Apresentamos um relato da evolução recente, com dados das pesquisas de origem e destino realizadas pelo Metrô em 1997 e 2007 e da pesquisa de mobilidade de 2012. Também realizamos uma caracterização mais aprofundada com os dados da pesquisa de 2007. As cidades se desenvolvem com base no trade-off entre proximidade e mobilidade: a fim de maximizar as possibilidades de interação, as pessoas e as empresas tendem a se localizar onde o deslocamento necessário para executar essas interações requer menos custos financeiros, perda de tempo e desconforto. Esse processo molda a alocação espacial de atividades, que define parcialmente os hábitos de transporte. A estrutura espacial urbana pode ser caracterizada por sua escala (padrões compacto ou disperso), arranjo de densidades (padrão disperso ou clusterizado) e arranjo de atividade (padrão monocêntrico ou policêntrico). Estruturas espaciais com padrão mais compacto apresentam menores distâncias de viagem, reduzindo o impacto ambiental das viagens e viabilizando o transporte não motorizado e coletivo, e levam a um uso mais eficiente da terra, menor custo de infraestrutura e maior equidade no acesso ao transporte. Já estruturas clusterizadas policêntricas são associadas com maior facilidade de acesso à terra. Existe um debate sobre a capacidade de estruturas policêntricas resultarem em uma aproximação generalizada de empregos e residências. A Região Metropolitana de São Paulo apresenta um padrão monocêntrico na escala metropolitana, com fortes movimentos pendulares da periferia para o centro expandido da iii capital. Durante o período de análise, foi observada uma realocação da população para áreas mais centrais da cidade e uma centralização dos empregos ainda mais forte, resultando no agravamento dos movimentos pendulares. Existe uma clara divisão modal por renda: as classes mais altas utilizam majoritariamente automóveis, enquanto as classes mais baixas utilizam majoritariamente transporte coletivo e não motorizado. Para o futuro, o novo plano diretor tem o mérito de caminhar na direção do desenvolvimento urbano orientado pelo transporte sustentável, porém os níveis de densidade máxima permitidos ainda são parecidos com o do plano anterior e a largura dos eixos de adensamento é restrita. Acreditamos ser vantajoso um aumento do adensamento em áreas próximas dos empregos; geração de polos de adensamento em áreas mais afastadas dos empregos, mas próximas das infraestruturas de transporte coletivo de alta velocidade, e desencorajamento do adensamento em áreas com baixa acessibilidade. Também é necessária uma gestão integrada dos transportes, provendo infraestrutura para viagens não motorizadas e viagens intermodais, e uma gestão dos impactos negativos do adensamento.