989 resultados para Olavarría, José Valentín de, 1801-1845.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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On spine : Pennsylvania reports.
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This title was originally published in 1801-1802. It has been "republished with as date at Madrid 1827, p. [1]-cxxxvi, [1]-625."--Cf. Tax. Lit.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Libretto by Saint-Georges, translated by Bunn.
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Dutch translation of: Missions de l'Orégon et voyages aux montagnes Rocheuses, which in turn is a translation of the author's Oregon missions and travels over the Rocky Mountains in 1845-46.
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In folder, 25 cm.
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2. argit. ta gucigarri barrijacaz
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Renuncia de José María Cueto al cargo de Consiliario segundo en el Colegio Mayor del Rosario, debido a los inconvenientes ligados a que la reelección del Rector Fernando Caicedo había sido declarada nula. Cuero propuso esperar a recibir aprobación del vicepatrono del Colegio para poder aceptar el cargo.
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ResumenApuntamientos. Sobre siembras de café.
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What is the secret mesmerism that death possesses and under the operation of which a modern architect – strident, confident, resolute – becomes rueful, pessimistic, or melancholic?1 Five years before Le Corbusier’s death at sea in 1965, the architect reluctantly agreed to adopt the project for L’Église Saint-Pierre de Firminy in Firminy-Vert (1960–2006), following the death of its original architect, André Sive, from leukemia in 1958.2 Le Corbusier had already developed, in 1956, the plan for an enclave in the new “green” Firminy town, which included his youth and culture center and a stadium and swimming pool; the church and a “boîte à miracles” near the youth center were inserted into the plan in the ’60s. (Le Corbusier was also invited, in 1962, to produce another plan for three Unités d’Habitation outside Firminy-Vert.) The Saint-Pierre church should have been the zenith of the quartet (the largest urban concentration of works by Le Corbusier in Europe, and what the architect Henri Ciriani termed Le Corbusier’s “acropolis”3) but in the early course of the project, Le Corbusier would suffer the diocese’s serial objections to his vision for the church – not unlike the difficulties he experienced with Notre Dame du Haut at Ronchamp (1950–1954) and the resistance to his proposed monastery of Sainte-Marie de la Tourette (1957–1960). In 1964, the bishop of Saint-Étienne requested that Le Corbusier relocate the church to a new site, but Le Corbusier refused and the diocese subsequently withdrew from the project. (With neither the approval, funds, nor the participation of the bishop, by then the cardinal archbishop of Lyon, the first stone of the church was finally laid on the site in 1970.) Le Corbusier’s ambivalence toward the project, even prior to his quarrels with the bishop, reveals...
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This work examines the urban modernization of San José, Costa Rica, between 1880 and 1930, using a cultural approach to trace the emergence of the bourgeois city in a small Central American capital, within the context of order and progress. As proposed by Henri Lefebvre, Manuel Castells and Edward Soja, space is given its rightful place as protagonist. The city, subject of this study, is explored as a seat of social power and as the embodiment of a cultural transformation that took shape in that space, a transformation spearheaded by the dominant social group, the Liberal elite. An analysis of the product built environment allows us to understand why the city grew in a determined manner: how the urban space became organized and how its infrastructure and services distributed. Although the emphasis is on the Liberal heyday from 1880-1930, this study also examines the history of the city since its origins in the late colonial period through its consolidation as a capital during the independent era, in order to characterize the nineteenth century colonial city that prevailed up to 1890 s. A diverse array of primary sources including official acts, memoirs, newspaper sources, maps and plans, photographs, and travelogues are used to study the initial phase of San Jose s urban growth. The investigation places the first period of modern urban growth at the turn of the nineteenth century within the prevailing ideological and political context of Positivism and Liberalism. The ideas of the city s elite regarding progress were translated into and reflected in the physical transformation of the city and in the social construction of space. Not only the transformations but also the limits and contradictions of the process of urban change are examined. At the same time, the reorganization of the city s physical space and the beginnings of the ensanche are studied. Hygiene as an engine of urban renovation is explored by studying the period s new public infrastructure (including pipelines, sewer systems, and the use of asphalt pavement) as part of the Saneamiento of San José. The modernization of public space is analyzed through a study of the first parks, boulevards and monuments and the emergence of a new urban culture prominently displayed in these green spaces. Parks and boulevards were new public and secular places of power within the modern city, used by the elite to display and educate the urban population into the new civic and secular traditions. The study goes on to explore the idealized image of the modern city through an analysis of European and North American travelogues and photography. The new esthetic of theatrical-spectacular representation of the modern city constructed a visual guide of how to understand and come to know the city. A partial and selective image of generalized urban change presented only the bourgeois facade and excluded everything that challenged the idea of progress. The enduring patterns of spatial and symbolic exclusion built into Costa Rica s capital city at the dawn of the twentieth century shed important light on the long-term political social and cultural processes that have created the troubled urban landscapes of contemporary Latin America.
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The genetic population structure of red snapper Lutjanus malabaricus and Lutjanus erythropterus in eastern Indonesia and northern Australia was investigated by allozyme electrophoresis and sequence variation in the control region of mtDNA. Samples were collected from eight sites in Indonesia and four sites in northern Australia for both species. A total of 13 allozyme loci were scored. More variable loci were observed in L. malabaricus than in L. erythropterus. Sequence variation in the control region (left domain) of the mitochondrial genome was assessed by RFLP and direct sequencing. MtDNA haplotype diversity was high (L. erythropterus, 0.95 and L. malabaricus, 0.97), as was intraspecific sequence divergence, (L. erythropterus, 0.0-12.5% and L. malabaricus, 0.0-9.5%). The pattern of mtDNA haplotype frequencies grouped both species into two broad fisheries stocks with a genetic boundary either between Kupang and Sape (L. malabaricus) or between Kupang and Australian Timor Sea (L. erythropertus). The allozyme analyses revealed similar boundaries for L. erythropterus. Seven allozymes stocks compared to two mtDNA stocks of L. malabaricus including Ambon, which was not sampled with mtDNA, however, were reported. Possible reasons for differences in discrimination between the methods include: i) increased power of multiple allozyme loci over the single mtDNA locus, ii) insufficient gene sampling in the mtDNA control region and iii) relative evolutionary dynamics of nuclear (allozyme loci) and mitochondrial DNA in these taxa. Allozyme and haplotype data did not distinguish separate stocks among the four Australian locations nor the central Indonesian (Bali and Sape locations) for both L. malabaricus and L. erythropterus.