La política comercial de Estados Unidos en el marco de la Organización Mundial del Comercio. Discurso vs. comportamiento con relación a prácticas anticompetitivas

El objetivo principal de esta monografía es identificar cuáles son las razones que justifican las contradicciones entre el discurso y el comportamiento de Estados Unidos en el marco de la Organización Mundial del Comercio, particularmente con relación a prácticas anticompetitivas derivadas del programa de protección a la agricultura del país. Para ello se analizan el interés nacional y los elementos de la seguridad nacional a partir de los cuales éste se ha construido. También se evalúan los procesos de formulación de política comercial y las interacciones entre los representantes políticos, las asociaciones de productores y el sector privado para mostrar como este comportamiento contradictorio corresponde a la legitimización de un interés particular.

Itinerario de la jurisprudencia colombiana de control constitucional como mecanismo de protección de Derechos Humanos

Este texto describe las conclusiones del estudio de la jurisprudencia colombiana de control constitucional sobre derechos humanos del período 1886-2005. Fue realizada por el Grupo de Investigación en Derechos Humanos con el apoyo de investigadores externos. El estudio evidencia las diferencias cualitativas y cuantitativas de la producción de la Corte Suprema de Justicia y de la Corte Constitucional, y esboza las líneas jurisprudenciales más importantes de cada corporación.Está dirigida a docentes, investigadores, estudiantes, funcionarios públicos y litigantes interesados en derecho constitucional y derechos humanos.La investigación se divide en dos partes. La primera incluye la descripción metodológica de la investigación, un análisis del camino hacia una cultura del precedente constitucional, la contextualización de los derechos que se abordó, la evolución del control judicial constitucional, los guardianes de la Constitución y un análisis de la producción jurisprudencial constitucional; se reseñan las premisas teóricas, informaciones historias, jurídicas e ideológicas, y la producción cuantitativa de la Corte Suprema y la Corte Constitucional. La segunda recoge la carta de los derechos cuya jurisprudencia fue objeto de análisis y se centra en la de las sentencias más relevantes. Al final se incluyen las conclusiones, que vienen a constituir la epistemología de la jurisprudencia constitucional colombiana.Está dirigida a docentes, investigadores, estudiantes, funcionarios públicos y litigantes interesados en derecho constitucional y derechos humanos.La investigación se divide en dos partes. La primera incluye la descripción metodológica de la investigación, un análisis del camino hacia una cultura del precedente constitucional, la contextualización de los derechos que se abordó, la evolución del control judicial constitucional, los guardianes de la Constitución y un análisis de la producción jurisprudencial constitucional; se reseñan las premisas teóricas, informaciones historias, jurídicas e ideológicas, y la producción cuantitativa de la Corte Suprema y la Corte Constitucional. La segunda recoge la carta de los derechos cuya jurisprudencia fue objeto de análisis y se centra en la de las sentencias más relevantes. Al final se incluyen las conclusiones, que vienen a constituir la epistemología de la jurisprudencia constitucional colombiana.La investigación se divide en dos partes. La primera incluye la descripción metodológica de la investigación, un análisis del camino hacia una cultura del precedente constitucional, la contextualización de los derechos que se abordó, la evolución del control judicial constitucional, los guardianes de la Constitución y un análisis de la producción jurisprudencial constitucional; se reseñan las premisas teóricas, informaciones historias, jurídicas e ideológicas, y la producción cuantitativa de la Corte Suprema y la Corte Constitucional. La segunda recoge la carta de los derechos cuya jurisprudencia fue objeto de análisis y se centra en la de las sentencias más relevantes. Al final se incluyen las conclusiones, que vienen a constituir la epistemología de la jurisprudencia constitucional colombiana.ratio decidendi de las sentencias más relevantes. Al final se incluyen las conclusiones, que vienen a constituir la epistemología de la jurisprudencia constitucional colombiana.

Social politics in a transoceanic world in the early Cold War years

This article argues that those termed 'liberals' in the United States had the opportunity in the late 1940's to use overseas case studies to reshape the ramshackle political agenda of the New Deal along more specifically social democratic lines, but hat they found it impossible to match interest in the wider world with a concrete programme to overcome tension between left-wing politics and the emerging anti-totalitarianism of the Cold War. The American right, by contrast, conducted a highly organised publicity drive to provide new meaning for their anti-statist ideology in a post-New Deal, post-isolationist United States by using perceived failures of welfare states overseas as domestic propaganda. The examples of Labour Britain after 1945 and Labour New Zealand both provided important case studies for American liberals and conservatives, but in the Cold War it was the American right who would benefit most from an ideologically driven repackaging of overseas social policy for an American audience.

Is creativity a matter for cultural leaders?

A climate of change in the arts in the 1990s, including a growing recognition of the need for creative management, has raised the issue of how not-for-profit art museum directors use creativity in their managerial role. Traditionally, the prime function of art museums has been to gather, preserve and study objects. The perception of directors as keepers of collections and creativity as residing in the object has evolved. Creativity is increasingly seen as residing in the managers of organizations. A survey of Australian and New Zealand art museum directors revealed six strategic responses to change, indicating the extent to which they used creativity in their leadership role: economic emphasis, market orientation, audience development, collaboration, accessibility and community relations. The question this paper poses is whether the change in the director's role has overturned the traditional view of creativity as focused on the art work rather than on management initiatives. The proposed answer is that it has been not so much overturned as extended: directors now balance the development and preservation of creative art works with creative management of the art museum as a market-facing organization.

The “Lunatic Fringe” -- Barry Goldwater and the Conservative Revolution of the 1960s --

How did conservatives, who had become effectively ostracized by their party following the Great Depression and the societal reforms of the New Deal, regain leverage within the GOP during the 1960s? My hypothesis is two-fold. First, I contend that a small group of conservative activists led by F. Clifton White, in spite of a dearth of resources and manpower, managed to infiltrate Republican infrastructure and “hijack” the delegate- selection process. The distinctly conservative and recalcitrant disposition of the Goldwater delegates demonstrates that these activists succeeded. Second, I argue that in addition to temporarily overpowering the national convention in 1964, conservatives thereafter retained control of the party insofar as subsequent GOP candidates were obliged to garner the support of conservative pockets of the country in order to win the presidential nomination. The resulting rightward shift of the Republican Party following the 1960s is a direct corollary of the conservative takeover outlined in this study.

Evaluation of Flora Fit street : a community-based living initiative. Final report

This report is an evaluation of Flora Fit Street (FFS) based in Clapham Park London. FFS was launched in June 2004 as a 12 month public private partnership between Flora and Clapham Park New Deal for Communities (NDC). Its purpose was to improve the local community’s heart health by
providing a whole range of activities, information and events that focused on increasing physical activity, improving nutrition and smoking cessation.

O espaço virtual no âmbito do social, das artes visuais e do ensino: relações de interinfluência

Este trabalho consiste na criação de uma relação entre uma investigação científica e um relatório da prática pedagógica, subordinados a mesmo tema. No âmbito da relação entre a sociedade e o espaço virtual, são abordadas noções referentes à cibercultura, entendendo o espaço virtual como um novo espaço social. É desenvolvida a ideia de que a opinião individual foi enfatizada pelas redes sociais e pelos blogues, que aliados ao facilitado acesso ao conhecimento, levaram à proliferação da informação. No domínio das artes visuais são abordados temas referentes à arte digital e ao desenvolvimento de práticas artísticas no espaço virtual, tal como a new media art, referindo-se trabalhos de artistas como Manfred Mohr, Charles Csuri, Gerhard Mantz, Vuk Cosic, Jodi.org e Cornelia Sollfrank. Neste campo, foi ainda, estudada a importância dos softwares para a produção artística digital e a relevância das instituições virtuais para a dinamização cultural. Por último, são estabelecidas relações entre o espaço virtual e o ensino das artes visuais, onde são analisadas questões referentes a introdução de ferramentas digitais na sala de aula, com o intuito de contribuir para a evolução do aluno e para o melhoramento da formação profissional do docente Relativamente à pratica docente nas disciplinas de Desenho B e de História das Artes, do Curso Tecnológico de Multimédia, realizada na Escola Secundária de Francisco Franco, são apresentados de forma crítica e reflexiva, os procedimentos necessários para a aplicação da componente científica, tais como as planificações, propostas de trabalho e visitas de estudo. São ainda apresentadas as restantes componentes relativas à prática letiva, tais como as atividades de Direção de Turma; o acompanhamento do projeto da Associação Companhia Contigo Teatro; e as atividades de enriquecimento curricular.

Uma nova tecnologia no pensamento de Herbert Marcuse: arte e técnica na sociedade unidimensional

This dissertation addresses the issue of technology in the work of Herbert Marcuse, explaning the merger between technology and domination that result in a totalitarian technological apparatus. Thus, technological civilization is supported and justified by a rational technological apparatus in the society, we have come not only the philosophy of Marcuse, but other great thinkers too, like Heidegger, Hegel, Marx. We also present a debate involving the philosophy of science, logic and linguage. Marcuse points to the need for a new technological rationality that emerge from a new sensibility, where the technique would allow a new relationship between man and nature. From then on, would emerge the need for a new subject. This transition would be possible by means of sensitivity, where art would become the art of live. With the link between art and technique made possible by new sensitivity, the author leaves one of its main contribution: he leaves open the possibility for the subject to choose new targests for technological development

Uma nova tecnologia no pensamento de Herbert Marcuse: arte e técnica na sociedade unidimensional

This dissertation addresses the issue of technology in the work of Herbert Marcuse, explaning the merger between technology and domination that result in a totalitarian technological apparatus. Thus, technological civilization is supported and justified by a rational technological apparatus in the society, we have come not only the philosophy of Marcuse, but other great thinkers too, like Heidegger, Hegel, Marx. We also present a debate involving the philosophy of science, logic and linguage. Marcuse points to the need for a new technological rationality that emerge from a new sensibility, where the technique would allow a new relationship between man and nature. From then on, would emerge the need for a new subject. This transition would be possible by means of sensitivity, where art would become the art of live. With the link between art and technique made possible by new sensitivity, the author leaves one of its main contribution: he leaves open the possibility for the subject to choose new targests for technological development

Projeção de vídeo no ambiente urbano: a cidade como tela

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

For God'sake! Lift the embargo to Spain

Intorno alla metà degli anni trenta la Spagna diventò il centro dell’attenzione del mondo e tutte le grandi potenze internazionali, vecchie e nuove, vennero coinvolte, in misura diversa, nella guerra civile. Già nell’agosto del 1936, un mese dopo l’esplosione del conflitto, tutti gli Stati più rappresentativi caldeggiavano l’ipotesi di una politica comune di “non intervento”. Il ruolo guida in tal senso venne assunto dal governo inglese, capace di dissuadere, in tempi estremamente rapidi, il governo frontista francese di Leon Blum dall’intento di sostenere economicamente e militarmente il legittimo governo repubblicano spagnolo. La preoccupazione che il conflitto potesse degenerare in uno scontro più generale fu quindi la ragione principale per la quale qualche settimana dopo nacque il “Comitato di Non Intervento”, cui aderirono ben ventisette nazioni europee tra cui Francia, Inghilterra, URSS, Italia, Germania e Portogallo. Il mio progetto di ricerca dottorale esamina il ruolo, le scelte ed i relativi dibattiti in merito all’unica grande potenza, gli Stati Uniti d’America, che, pur scegliendo di rimanere neutrale, si astenne dal partecipare al suddetto Comitato. In ambito statunitense particolare rilievo assumono due aspetti del dibattito politico sulla Spagna: il primo maturato in seno all’Amministrazione Roosevelt, il secondo elaborato dalla componente Liberal della coalizione del New Deal attraverso i settimanali, “The Nation” e “The New Republic”. Il confronto pubblico acceso dalla guerra civile spagnola fu infatti l’occasione per la società civile americana per dibattere apertamente e francamente circa l’opportunità e la capacità della nazione di assumere o meno un ruolo internazionale corrispondente al prestigio socio-economico in via di acquisizione a livello mondiale. Approfondire ed esaminare il dibattito sulla guerra civile spagnola negli USA significa dunque andare alla ricerca delle radici culturali di quello che sarà uno dei più vasti ed articolati confronti politici e teorici del ventesimo secolo: l’internazionalismo americano.

What Ended the Great Depression? Re-Evaluating the Role of Fiscal Policy

Conventional wisdom contends that fiscal policy was of secondary importance for the economic recovery in the 1930s. The recovery is then connected to monetary policy that allowed non-sterilised gold inflows to increase the money supply. Often this is shown by measuring the fiscal multipliers and demonstrating that they were relatively small. This paper shows that problems with the conventional measures of fiscal multipliers in the 1930s may have created an incorrect consensus on the irrelevance of fiscal policy. The rehabilitation of fiscal policy is seen as a necessary step in the reinterpretation of the positive role of New Deal policies for the recovery.

Firing Up the Crucible with Senator Lee Metcalf & Governor Forrest Anderson -- Judge Gordon Bennett in “The Crucible of Change”

During the lead-up to Montana second progressive era, Lee Metcalf and Forrest Anderson, along with others, kept the progressive flame lit in Montana. Metcalf’s political history is replete with close electoral wins because of his commitment to progressive ideals when the times were not always politically favorable for that. As State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice, Congressman and eventually as US Senator, Lee won races by as little as 55 votes because he stuck to his guns as a progressive. In Forrest Anderson’s career as a County Attorney, State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice and 12 years as MT Attorney General he was respected as a pragmatic practitioner of politics. But during that entire career leading up to his election as Governor, Forrest Anderson was also a stalwart supporter of the progressive agenda exemplified by FDR and the New Deal, which brought folks out of the Great Depression that was brought on by the bad policies of the GOP and big business. As MT’s second progressive period began in 1965, the first important election was Senator Metcalf’s successful re-election battle in 1966 with the sitting MT Governor, Tim Babcock. And the progressive express was really ignited by the election of Forrest Anderson as Governor in 1968 after 16 years of Republican Governors in MT. Gordon Bennett played a rather unique role, being a confidant of Metcalf and Anderson, both who respected his wide and varied experience, his intellect, and his roots in progressivism beginning with his formative years in the Red Corner of NE Montana. Working with Senator Metcalf and his team, including Brit Englund, Vic Reinemer, Peggy McLaughlin, Betty Davis and Jack Condon among others, Bennett helped shape the progressive message both in Washington DC and MT. Progressive labor and farm organizations, part of the progressive coalition, benefitted from Bennett’s advice and counsel and aided the Senator in his career including the huge challenge of having a sitting popular governor run against him for the Senate in 1966. Metcalf’s noted intern program produced a cadre of progressive leaders in Montana over the years. Most notably, Ron Richards transitioned from Metcalf Intern to Executive Secretary of the Montana Democratic Party (MDP) and assisted, along with Bennett, in the 1966 Metcalf-Babcock race in a big way. As Executive Secretary Richards was critical to the success of the MDP as a platform for Forrest Anderson’s general election run and win in 1968. After Forrest’s gubernatorial election, Richards became Executive Assistant (now called Chief of Staff) for Governor Anderson and also for Governor Thomas Judge. The Metcalf progressive strain, exemplified by many including Richards and Bennett, permeated Democratic politics during the second progressive era. So, too, did the coalition that supported Metcalf and his policies. The progressivism of the period of “In the Crucible of Change” was fired up by Lee Metcalf, Forrest Anderson and their supporters and coalitions, and Gordon Bennett was in the center of all of that, helping fire up the crucible, setting the stage for many policy advancements in both Washington DC and Montana. Gordon Bennett’s important role in the 1966 re-election of Senator Lee Metcalf and the 1968 election of Governor Forrest Anderson, as well as his wide experience in government and politics of that time allows him to provide us with an insider’s personal perspective of those races and other events at the beginning of the period of progressive change being documented “In the Crucible of Change,” as well as his personal insights into the larger political/policy picture of Montana. Gordon Bennett, a major and formative player “In the Crucible of Change,” was born in the far northeast town of Scobey, MT in 1922. He attended school in Scobey through the eighth grade and graduated from Helena High School. After attending Carroll College for two years, he received his BA in economics from Carleton College in Northfield, MN. During a brief stint on the east coast, his daily reading of the New York Times (“best newspaper in the world at that time … and now”) inspired him to pursue a career in journalism. He received his MA in Journalism from the University of Missouri and entered the field. As a reporter for the Great Falls Tribune under the ownership and management of the Warden Family, he observed and competed with the rigid control of Montana’s press by the Anaconda Company (the Great Falls Tribune was the only large newspaper in Montana NOT owned by ACM). Following his intellectual curiosity and his philosophical bend, he attended a number of Farm-Labor Institutes which he credits with motivating him to pursue solutions to economic and social woes through the law. In 1956, at the age of 34, he received his Juris Doctorate degree from the Georgetown University Law Center in Washington, DC. Bennett’s varied career included eighteen years as a farmer, four years in the US Army during WWII (1942-46), two years as Assistant MT Attorney General (1957-59) with Forrest Anderson, three years in private practice in Glasgow (1959-61), two years as Associate Solicitor in the Department of Interior in Washington, DC (1961-62), and private law practice in Helena from 1962 to 1969. While in Helena he was an unsuccessful candidate for the Montana Supreme Court (1962) and cemented his previous relationships with Attorney General Forrest Anderson and US Senator Lee Metcalf. Bennett modestly refuses to accept the title of Campaign Manager for either Lee Metcalf (1966 re-election over the challenger, MT Republican Governor Tim Babcock) or Forrest Anderson (his 1968 election as Governor), saying that “they ran their campaigns … we were only there to help.” But he has been generally recognized as having filled that critical role in both of those critical elections. After Governor Anderson’s election in 1968, Bennett was appointed Director of the MT Unemployment Compensation Commission, a position from where he could be a close advisor and confidant of the new Governor. In 1971, Governor Anderson appointed him Judge in the most important jurisdiction in Montana, the 1st Judicial District in Helena, a position he held for seventeen years (1971-88). Upon stepping down from his judgeship, for twenty years (1988-2008) he was a law instructor, mediator and arbitrator. He currently resides in Helena with his wife, Norma Tirrell, former newspaper reporter and researcher/writer. Bennett has two adult children and four grandchildren.

El estado como eje articulador de las relaciones sociales

El presente trabajo intenta realizar una síntesis de cómo se fue articulando la sociedad a partir del modelo capitalista de producción en el período histórico que transcurre desde el impulso desarrollado en la Segunda Revolución Industrial, a finales del siglo XIX , hasta la primera década del siglo XXI. Este período determinará una forma de integración social que va estar vinculada al trabajo asalariado y ligada a un Estado más presente, articulador y distribuidor de la riqueza social. Algunos de los elementos constitutivos que sostuvieron este modelo fueron el New Deal y la política económica keynesiana, que van a perdurar hasta bien entrada la década de 1970. En esta etapa, la relación capital-trabajo va a entrar en crisis; el modelo keynesiano de pleno empleo no le es útil al capitalismo; y, por lo tanto, el Estado va a permitir la incorporación de un nuevo discurso, enarbolado por los denominados economistas liberales ortodoxos y, ya en la última década del siglo XX , por el economista norteamericano John Williamson, relacionado con un movimiento intelectual denominado "Consenso de Washington"; esto dando lugar una nueva forma de estructuración social en la que van a coexistir ganadores y perdedores del sistema. Se intenta explicar, además, el impacto que provocó en la Argentina adherir al modelo neoliberal a través de una economía abierta (1989-2002). Por último, describimos la situación de la Provincia de San Luis; los dispositivos y mecanismos que utilizó para contrarrestar los dos dígitos de desocupación producidos después del año 2002; para ello, nos referimos al Plan de Inclusión Social, expuesto a través de datos estadísticos tomados del INDEC y de la Dirección Provincial de Estadísticas y Censos de la Provincia de San Luis

El estado como eje articulador de las relaciones sociales

El presente trabajo intenta realizar una síntesis de cómo se fue articulando la sociedad a partir del modelo capitalista de producción en el período histórico que transcurre desde el impulso desarrollado en la Segunda Revolución Industrial, a finales del siglo XIX , hasta la primera década del siglo XXI. Este período determinará una forma de integración social que va estar vinculada al trabajo asalariado y ligada a un Estado más presente, articulador y distribuidor de la riqueza social. Algunos de los elementos constitutivos que sostuvieron este modelo fueron el New Deal y la política económica keynesiana, que van a perdurar hasta bien entrada la década de 1970. En esta etapa, la relación capital-trabajo va a entrar en crisis; el modelo keynesiano de pleno empleo no le es útil al capitalismo; y, por lo tanto, el Estado va a permitir la incorporación de un nuevo discurso, enarbolado por los denominados economistas liberales ortodoxos y, ya en la última década del siglo XX , por el economista norteamericano John Williamson, relacionado con un movimiento intelectual denominado "Consenso de Washington"; esto dando lugar una nueva forma de estructuración social en la que van a coexistir ganadores y perdedores del sistema. Se intenta explicar, además, el impacto que provocó en la Argentina adherir al modelo neoliberal a través de una economía abierta (1989-2002). Por último, describimos la situación de la Provincia de San Luis; los dispositivos y mecanismos que utilizó para contrarrestar los dos dígitos de desocupación producidos después del año 2002; para ello, nos referimos al Plan de Inclusión Social, expuesto a través de datos estadísticos tomados del INDEC y de la Dirección Provincial de Estadísticas y Censos de la Provincia de San Luis