Can growth and equity go hand in hand?

Includes bibliography

Política pública e avaliação: o Saresp e seus impactos na prática profissional docente

Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

Movimentos sociais e diretrizes operacionais para a educação básica nas escolas do campo: para além dos limites institucionais e estruturais

Este estudo tem como tema de pesquisa a Educação do campo no Brasil. Ele resulta de nosso envolvimento político e profissional com a educação. Objetivamos com ele compreender a participação dos movimentos sociais organizados na Articulação Nacional por Uma Educação do Campo na elaboração das Diretrizes Operacionais para a Educação Básica nas Escolas do Campo (DOEBEC), por meio da análise do conteúdo das referidas Diretrizes e das Resoluções da I Conferência Nacional por Uma Educação Básica do Campo. Para tanto, levantamos duas questões gerais, que deram origem a outras específicas. As questões gerais são: Qual a contribuição dos movimentos sociais organizados na Articulação Nacional por Uma Educação do Campo na elaboração das Diretrizes Operacionais para a Educação Básica nas Escolas do Campo (DOEBEC)? Das Resoluções aprovadas na I Conferência Nacional por Uma Educação Básica do Campo, quais os princípios que se destacam no sentido de contribuir para a superação das desigualdades e melhoria da qualidade de vida e da educação dos sujeitos do campo? Metodologicamente realizamos análise de conteúdo do corpus, composto de dois grupos de documentos: as DOEBEC e as Resoluções da I Conferência Nacional por Uma Educação Básica do Campo. O aporte teórico eleito está composto de vários autores que pesquisam sobre educação do campo no Brasil, dos quais destacamos: Salomão Hage, Mônica Molina, Roseli Caldart e Miguel Arroyo. No campo da compreensão da sociedade e do Estado, também trabalhamos com vários autores, dentre os quais destacamos especialmente Boaventura de Sousa Santos. A análise ocorreu em três momentos: identificação dos eixos analíticos; escolha de indicadores de qualidade e articulação entre os eixos e indicadores de qualidade que geraram categorias de análise. Como resultado, identificamos que as categorias estão interligadas e expressam ações e práticas indispensáveis para a implementação da política de educação do campo na concepção proposta pela Articulação Nacional por uma Educação do Campo, que, de fato, influenciou na elaboração das DOEBEC no que se refere à democratização da gestão, no reconhecimento das especificidades da escola do campo e da necessidade de uma proposta político-pedagógica referenciada em um projeto de desenvolvimento sustentável e nos saberes e realidade dos sujeitos do campo. Entretanto, esta contribuição foi limitada por condicionantes institucionais ligados à legislação educacional vigente, marcada pela concepção neoliberal, e, de forma mais ampla, pela ordem estrutural econômica, social e política do capitalismo na sociedade brasileira, uma vez que as condições concretas para a efetivação de uma educação do campo, estão para além das DOEBC.

Programa de gestão única da rede pública de ensino de Mato Grosso: acesso ao sistema único pela via neoliberal

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Neo-liberalismo, educação e racionalização: a criação da Escola Livre de Sociologia e Política como prática política da grande indústria paulista nos anos 30.

Na efrevescência político-social que marcou as décadas de 1920 e 1930 no Brasil, quatro grandes temas ganhavam destaque e apareciam como bandeira comum à maioria dos atores em luta: industrialização, revolução, racionalização e educação. Em São Paulo, em meio as lutas pela universalização de uma vontade particular, o tema da educação ganha cores mais vivas, seja como lugar previlegiado do confronto político, seja, ao contrário como elemento aglutinador de grupos com interesses divergentes - como se pode observar quando do fortalecimento da bandeira da união em torno dos interesses paulistas. Bandeira essa que chega a transformar-se em forte mistica a partir do Movimento Constitucionalista de 1932: somente São Paulo seria capaz de fornecer homens suficientemente competentes para compor a elite dirigente do Brasil, um pais que passava por um período de grave crise provocada, principalmente, pela inexistência de uma sólida estrutura educacional moderna que fosse capaz de reeducar as massas e formar técnicos competentes para administar as coisas públicas. Com o fim do Movimento de 32, que havia sustentado uma aliança de diferentes grupos paulistas, entre eles o grupo político do jornal O Estado de São Paulo, principal responsável pelo projeto de criação da Universidade de São Paulo em 1934, e o núcleo de empresários representados pela FIESP (Federação das Indústrias do Estado de São Paulo) -, as práticas políticas particulares são retomadas. Em 1933, os empresários tomam a dianteira criando a Escola Livre de Sociologia e política, que aparece como um dos mais importantes atos políticosda grande indústria no Brasil. No discurso de inauguração, Roberto Simonsen, presidente da FIESP, admitindo a necessidade de reformulação do velho liberalismo ortodoxo e defendendo um Estado neo-liberal, indica a prática de largos horizontes com a qual essa escola deveria estar comprometida: a instituição de verdades científicas sobre a realidade brasileira, capazes de proporcionar os instrumentos necessários para garantir a correta ação de um Estado normatizador da sociedade segundo a vontade da grande indústria.

Mecenato no Brasil democrático

This paper analyzes the dynamics of Brazilian cultural policy between 1995 and 2010. Studies related defend the existence of a "contrast" between the results obtained by the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003- 2010), that divide it between a model "neo-liberal" and a "democratic" model of cultural policy. Our main achievement is to produce empirical knowledge that can verify these claims. The build of indicators was guided by the theoretical assumption of the historical new institutionalism, discussed by Pierson (2006), and the observed universe comprises the totality of cultural producers who have submitted projects to “Mecenato”, registered in SALICNET - Ministry of Culture.

The Social City : Middle-way approaches to housing and sub-urban golvernmentality in southern Stockholm, 1900-1945

This dissertation deals with the period bridging the era of extreme housing shortages in Stockholm on the eve of industrialisation and the much admired programmes of housing provision that followed after the second world war, when Stockholm district Vällingby became an example for underground railway-serviced ”new towns”. It is argued that important changes were made in the housing and town planning policy in Stockholm in this period that paved the way for the successful ensuing period. Foremost among these changes was the uniquely developed practice of municipal leaseholding with the help of site leasehold rights (Erbbaurecht). The study is informed by recent developments in Foucauldian social research, which go under the heading ’governmentality’. Developments within urban planning are understood as different solutions to the problem of urban order. To a large extent, urban and housing policies changed during the period from direct interventions into the lives of inhabitants connected to a liberal understanding of housing provision, to the building of a disciplinary city, and the conduct of ’governmental’ power, building on increased activity on behalf of the local state to provide housing and the integration and co-operation of large collectives. Municipal leaseholding was a fundamental means for the implementation of this policy. When the new policies were introduced, they were limited to the outer parts of the city and administered by special administrative bodies. This administrative and spatial separation was largely upheld throughout the period, and represented as the parallel building of a ’social’ outer city, while things in the inner ’mercantile’ city proceeded more or less as before. This separation was founded in a radical difference in land holding policy: while sites in the inner city were privatised and sold at market values, land in the outer city was mostly leasehold land, distributed according to administrative – and thus politically decided – priorities. These differences were also understood and acknowledged by the inhabitants. Thorough studies of the local press and the organisational life of the southern parts of the outer city reveals that the local identity was tightly connected with the representations connected to the different land holding systems. Inhabitants in the south-western parts of the city, which in this period was still largely built on private sites, displayed a spatial understanding built on the contradictions between centre and periphery. The inhabitants living on leaseholding sites, however, showed a clear understanding of their position as members of model communities, tightly connected to the policy of the municipal administration. The organisations on leaseholding sites also displayed a deep co-operation with the administration. As the analyses of election results show, the inhabitants also seemed to have felt a greater degree of integration with the society at large, than people living in other parts of the city. The leaseholding system in Stockholm has persisted until today and has been one of the strongest in the world, although the local neo-liberal politicians are currently disposing it off.

Applications of GIS and remote sensing techniques for studying the housing patterns in Cairo Governorate

The main objective of this study is to reveal the housing patterns in Cairo as one of the most rapidly urbanizing city in the developing world. The study outlines the evolution of the housing problem and its influencing factors in Egypt generally and in Cairo specifically. The study takes into account the political transition from the national state economy to the open door policy, the neo-liberal period and finally to the housing situation after the January 2011 Revolution. The resulting housing patterns in Cairo Governorate were identified as (1) squatter settlements, (2) semi-informal settlements, (3) deteriorated inner pockets, and (4) formal settlements. rnThe study concluded that the housing patterns in Cairo are reflecting a multifaceted problem resulting in: (1) the imbalance between the high demand for affordable housing units for low-income families and the oversupply of upper-income housing, (2) the vast expansion of informal areas both on agricultural and desert lands, (3) the deterioration of the old parts of Cairo without upgrading or appropriate replacement of the housing structure, and (4) the high vacancy rate of newly constructed apartmentsrnThe evolution and development of the current housing problem were attributed to a number of factors. These factors are demographic factors represented in the rapid growth of the population associated with urbanization under the dictates of poverty, and the progressive increase of the prices of both buildable land and building materials. The study underlined that the current pattern of population density in Cairo Governorate is a direct result of the current housing problems. Around the depopulation core of the city, a ring of relatively stable areas in terms of population density has developed. Population densification, at the expense of the depopulation core, is characterizing the peripheries of the city. The population density in relation to the built-up area was examined using Landsat-7 ETM+ image (176/039). The image was acquired on 24 August 2006 and considered as an ideal source for land cover classification in Cairo since it is compatible with the population census 2006.rnConsidering that the socio-economic setting is a driving force of change of housing demand and that it is an outcome of the accumulated housing problems, the socio-economic deprivations of the inhabitants of Cairo Governorate are analyzed. Small administrative units in Cairo are categorized into four classes based on the Socio-Economic Opportunity Index (SEOI). This index is developed by using multiple domains focusing on the economic, educational and health situation of the residential population. The results show four levels of deprivation which are consistent with the existing housing patterns. Informal areas on state owned land are included in the first category, namely, the “severely deprived” level. Ex-formal areas or deteriorated inner pockets are characterized as “deprived” urban quarters. Semi-informal areas on agricultural land concentrate in the third category of “medium deprived” settlements. Formal or planned areas are included mostly in the fourth category of the “less deprived” parts of Cairo Governorate. rnFor a better understanding of the differences and similarities among the various housing patterns, four areas based on the smallest administrative units of shiakhat were selected for a detailed study. These areas are: (1) El-Ma’desa is representing a severely deprived squatter settlement, (2) Ain el-Sira is an example for an ex-formal deprived area, (3) El-Marg el-Qibliya was selected as a typical semi-informal and medium deprived settlement, and (4) El-Nozha is representing a formal and less deprived area.rnThe analysis at shiakhat level reveals how the socio-economic characteristics and the unregulated urban growth are greatly reflected in the morphological characteristics of the housing patterns in terms of street network and types of residential buildings as well as types of housing tenure. It is also reflected in the functional characteristics in terms of land use mix and its degree of compatibility. It is concluded that the provision and accessibility to public services represents a performance measure of the dysfunctional structure dominating squatter and semi-informal settlements on one hand and ample public services and accessibility in formal areas on the other hand.rn

The Active Subjects of Welfare Reform: a Street-Level Comparison of Employment Services in Australia and Denmark

This paper explores the similarities and differences between Denmark and Australia in adopting welfare reform activation measures in the field of employment services. In Australia and Denmark the discourse of welfare reform centres the 'activation' of citizens through 'mutual obligation' type requirements. Through various forms of case management, unemployed individuals are encouraged to act upon themselves in creating the right set of ethical dispositions congruent with 'active citizenship'. At the same time any resistance to heightened conditionality on the part of the unemployed person is dealt with through a range of coercive and disciplinary techniques. A comparative case study between these two countries allows us to consider how similar ideas, discourse and principles are shaping policy implementation in countries that have very different welfare state trajectories and institutional arrangements for the delivery of social welfare generally and employment services specifically. And in research terms, a comparison between a Nordic welfare state and an Anglo-Saxon welfare state provides an opportunity to critically examine the utility of 'welfare regime' type analyses and the neo-liberal convergence thesis in comparative welfare research. On the basis of empirical analysis, the article concludes that a single focus on abstract typologies or political ideologies is not very helpful in getting the measure of welfare reform (or any other major policy development for that matter). At the 'street-level' of policy practice there is considerably more ambiguity, incoherence and contradiction than is suggested by linear accounts of welfare reform.

A Preliminary Impact Assessment of Doha Round Results on Agricultural Policies in Turkey

Turkish agriculture has been experiencing a period of unique policy experiment over the last couple years. A World Bank-initiated project, called the Agricultural Reform Implementation Project (ARIP), has been at the forefront of policy change. It was initially promoted by the Bank as an exemplary reform package which could also be adopted by other developing countries. It was introduced in 2001 as part of a major International Monetary Fund (IMF)/World Bank-imposed program of “structural adjustment” after the country had been hit by a major financial crisis. The project has finally come to an end in 2009, and there is now an urgent need for a retrospective assessment of its overall impact on the agricultural sector. Has it fulfilled its ambitious objective of reforming and restructuring Turkish agriculture? Or should it be recorded as a failure of the neo-liberal doctrine? This book aims at finding answers to these questions by investigating the legacy of ARIP from a multi-disciplinary perspective.

Reflexiones acerca de la tendencia posneoliberal de la reciente reforma previsional argentina

Los profundos cambios registrados en algo menos de dos décadas en el sistema previsional argentino (privatización parcial, instauración de un régimen de capitalización individual en la década neoliberal, plan de inclusión previsional, reestatización del sistema, ley de movilidad jubilatoria y otros) han sido de una magnitud tal que es posible describirlos como un cambio completo de paradigma en términos de política pública en la materia. En el presente artículo nos limitaremos a realizar un abordaje del tema acotándonos a lo que entendemos han sido los principales aspectos en la trayectoria del sistema previsional argentino en los últimos veinte años.

La educación como derecho social básico ¿qué nos queda? : un análisis comparado de la política educativa argentina en los \'90

Este trabajo se propone comparar el contenido dado por el Estado de Bienestar y el Estado neoliberal a un derecho social básico como es la educación, y en términos más generales a la categoría de ciudadanía. Esta comparación, creemos, será especialmente fértil ya que si bien nos acotaremos al estudio de una política especifica, ésta da cuenta de dos modelos antagónicos, no sólo de Estado, sino también de intervención social, de construcción de la ciudadanía y de distribución de ingresos. Tratamos, entonces, a las políticas educativas de estos modelos con el fin de contextualizarlas y realizar un balance de cada uno de estos momentos en lo que respecta a educación, ciudadanía y pérdida de capacidad de ejercicio real de algunos de nuestros derechos y/o desentendimiento por parte del Estado para garantizarlos.

Re-thinking Argentina's labour and social security reform in the 1990s : agreement on competitive corporatism

This paper will analyze the Menem administration's social policy reforms during the 1990s. Neo-liberal reforms in Argentina are well-known both in the economy and in the social arena, but in the latter we can discern the presence of tripartite negotiations. The form of such negotiations, the type of agreements reached as a result, and the background to those agreements will be discussed. We also pay attention to the concept of competitive corporatism, which was established under the increase in market competition brought about by globalization.

British and European influences on the "Australian Way" from the 1980s

Commonwealth countries share their British social policy legacy in a variety of ways. Autstralia attempted to adopt the postwar new Fabian welfare state model at the very time when international economic circumstances undermined its Keynesian foundation. With Labor governments in power from 1983 to 1996, Australia diverged significantly from the neo-liberal reform path adopted in the United Kingdom. Australian governments looked increasingly to European social democracies for alternative social policy model In a manner anticipating the Third Way. the tendency was towards mixing neo-liberal economics with social democratic welfare. The Australian Third Way which resulted proved unstable. Current social reformers, the paper proposes, ought to revisit a neglected but characteristically British emphasis on the need for a measure of socialization of investment to underpin redistributive strategies.

The media, marketing, and single sex schooling

The Australian media's interest in education, as in many Anglophone countries, is frequently dominated by concerns about boys in schools. In 2002, in a country region of the Australian State of Queensland, this concern was evident in a debate on the merits of single sex schooling that took place in a small local newspaper. The debate was fuelled by the inclusion in this newspaper of an advertising brochure for an elite private girls' school. The advertisement utilized the current concerns about boys in schools to advocate the benefits of girls' only schools. Drawing on research that suggests that boys are a problem in school, and utilising a peculiar mix of liberal feminism alongside a neo-liberal class politics, it implicitly denigrated the education provided by government co-educational schools. The local government high and primary school principals, incensed at this advertisement, contacted the paper to refute many of its claims and assumptions and to assert the benefits, to both boys and girls, of their particular schools. A letters to the editor debate then followed an article representing these government school principals' views. These letters were from two private school principals. This country newspaper thus became a medium through which various school principals engaged with the current boys' debate, and research associated with it, in order to market their schools. This paper examines this particular newspaper debate and argues that, in the absence of nuanced, research based, and thoughtful policy responses to gender issues, many school policies on gender are being shaped through and by the media in ways that elide the complexities of the issues involved.