932 resultados para Nation Building


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In the wide range of data that the nutrition subject offers to the historical observation, this investigation focuses on one of the functions that food serves in the social context: that is, to signify cultural identity. In this context, we will analyse the ways in which industrially produced pasta has come to its status as one of the symbolic forms of twentieth-century Italian food, contributing to a sense of social identity that forms part of the process of nation-building developed during the XX century. The nature of the relationship between pasta and Italian food is analysed for a period of almost a century (1886-1984) through a variety of different sources: government enquiries, cookery books, gastronomic guides and menus of official dinners. The assemblage of such documents in one study allows investigation of certain themes throughout a wide range of gastronomical cultures active within the national borders. In this way, links are made between the production, adoption, reception and dissemination of the ingredients and Italian Unification.This method has made it possible to restore one possible form of historical knowledge of twentieth-century gastronomy and of the experiences by which it was influenced.

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Die Formation Brasiliens über ein dynastisches Reich vollzog sich auf einem historischen Sonderweg, der innerhalb des neuweltlichen Kontextes als Abhängigkeit von der Metropole und «Dephasierung» interpretiert wird. In Andersons viel beachteter These von der Nation als imagined community, die es ermöglichte, die neuweltlichen Republiken als Avantgarde der Idealisierung und diskursiven Konstruktion der Nation zu betrachten (creole pioneers), bleibt Brasilien aus diesem Grund als «interessante Ausnahme» ausgeklammert. Die hier unternommene Untersuchung Brasiliens als vorgestellte Gemeinschaft zeigt, dass seit der Kolonialzeit eine auf den brasilianischen Raum bezogene Makronarrative existierte, welche positive Elemente des europäischen Neuweltdiskurses binden und zur Vision eines idealisierten neuen Imperiums formieren konnte. Diese «Brasilienerzählung» orientierte die politische Emanzipation von Europa (als inversão brasileira statt Bruch mit der Metropole) und konstituierte sich als monarchischer Legitimitätsdiskurs in einer Alteritätsbeziehung zu Hispanoamerika. Die Tradition ersetzte in der Gründungsliteratur weitgehend eine nationale Neuschreibung Brasiliens und zeigte sich später sogar mit dem modernisierenden Nationalismusdiskurs der Republik vereinbar. Demnach existierte parallel zu den kreolisch-republikanischen Konstruktionen in Form der traditionellen, kontinuierlichen und integrativen Makronarrative «Brasilien» eine weitere neuweltliche Erzählung mit Pioniercharakter, die ebenfalls gemeinschaftliche Sinnstiftung befördern und die offizielle Legitimitätsgrundlage gleichermaßen von Reich und Nation bilden konnte.

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In diesem Aufsatz wird die Rolle des Radios im Dekolonisierungsprozess analysiert. Anhand zweier Beispiele – Namibia und Zambia – wird die Vermittlung eines afrikanischen Nationalismus untersucht, der sich nach der Unabhängigkeit in Bemühungen zum nation building niederschlug. Das Radio nahm (und nimmt) als wichtigstes Massenmedium in afrikanischen Staaten dabei insofern eine zentrale Rolle ein, als die jeweiligen Ideologien über dieses Medium an eine Bevölkerung übermittelt werden sollten. Im Beitrag werden nicht nur die jeweiligen Politiken analysiert, sondern auch die Rolle und Eigenwahrnehmung der Journalisten / innen und die Programme selbst. Die Widersprüche zwischen gewünschter Politik, vorhandener Infrastruktur, Vorstellungen der Journalist/innen und den Hörerwünschen machten die Vermittlung nationalistischer Politik sowie die Herstellung eines virtuellen nationalen Raumes im Radio zu komplexen Prozessen, die nicht immer gelingen konnten.

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It is a well-documented fact that the Middle Ages have had a long history of instrumentalisation by nationalisms. 19th-century Eu¬rope in particular witnessed an origins craze during the process of nation-building. In the post-Shoah, post-modern West, on the other hand, we might expect this kind of medievalist master nar¬rative to have been consigned to the dustbin of history. And yet, as nationalism surges again in Europe, negotiations of national identi¬ties in medieval dress seem to have become fashionable once more. In order to come to terms with the fragmented and often contradictory presence of the Middle Ages in these discourses of national identity, I propose we consider medievalism a utilitarian product of the cultural memory. Rather than representing any ‘real’ Middle Ages, then, medievalism tailors available knowledge of the medieval past to the diverse social needs and ideologies of the present. This paper looks at a selection of Scottish examples of present-day medievalism in an attempt to investigate, in particular, the place of the medieval Wars of Scottish Independence in contemporary negotiations of ‘Scottishness’. Both the relationships envisioned between self and other and the role played by ‘the land’ in these cultural, social and political instances of national introspection offer starting points for critical inquiry. Moreover, the analysis of a scholarly intervention in the run-up to the 2014 Scottish independence referendum indicates an intriguing dialogue of academic and non-academic voices in the context of Scottish medievalist cultural memory. We thus find a wide array of uses of the Scottish Middle Ages, some of which feed into the burgeoning nationalism of recent years, while others offer more pensive and ambivalent answers to the question of what it means to be Scottish in the 21st century.

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Concluida la guerra de independencia y disuelta la unidad colombiana, desde el incipiente estado venezolano se pone especial empeño en fijar un conjunto de referentes históricos que contribuyan a afianzar el proceso de construcción de la Nación. El establecimiento de las fechas patrias, el culto al héroe y la celebración de fiestas cívicas, son parte fundamental de este esfuerzo de integración territorial y de cohesión política cuya finalidad es crear un ideario nacional único para todos los venezolanos. El propósito del artículo es identificar los mecanismos mediante los cuales se establecen estas referencias simbólicas, analizar sus contenidos y estudiar de qué manera se sostienen y se formalizan hasta constituirse en motivo "de celebración perpetua" para el conjunto de la sociedad venezolana.

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El proceso de construcción de la Nación argentina tuvo entre sus basamentos dos proyectos fuertemente vinculados, uno historiográfico y otro educativo. Ambos conformaron una nueva memoria histórica que tuvo en los textos escolares un importante difusor. Estos libros actuaron como inventarios de lo que era necesario saber de la Argentina. Historia y memoria otorgaron a la Revolución de Mayo un valor nodal y los textos de historia de la enseñanza oficial contribuyeron a la construcción y transmisión de la Revolución de Mayo como mito fundacional integrado y funcional al modelo de ciudadanía implementado a partir de 1880.

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Concluida la guerra de independencia y disuelta la unidad colombiana, desde el incipiente estado venezolano se pone especial empeño en fijar un conjunto de referentes históricos que contribuyan a afianzar el proceso de construcción de la Nación. El establecimiento de las fechas patrias, el culto al héroe y la celebración de fiestas cívicas, son parte fundamental de este esfuerzo de integración territorial y de cohesión política cuya finalidad es crear un ideario nacional único para todos los venezolanos. El propósito del artículo es identificar los mecanismos mediante los cuales se establecen estas referencias simbólicas, analizar sus contenidos y estudiar de qué manera se sostienen y se formalizan hasta constituirse en motivo "de celebración perpetua" para el conjunto de la sociedad venezolana.

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El proceso de construcción de la Nación argentina tuvo entre sus basamentos dos proyectos fuertemente vinculados, uno historiográfico y otro educativo. Ambos conformaron una nueva memoria histórica que tuvo en los textos escolares un importante difusor. Estos libros actuaron como inventarios de lo que era necesario saber de la Argentina. Historia y memoria otorgaron a la Revolución de Mayo un valor nodal y los textos de historia de la enseñanza oficial contribuyeron a la construcción y transmisión de la Revolución de Mayo como mito fundacional integrado y funcional al modelo de ciudadanía implementado a partir de 1880.

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El proceso de construcción de la Nación argentina tuvo entre sus basamentos dos proyectos fuertemente vinculados, uno historiográfico y otro educativo. Ambos conformaron una nueva memoria histórica que tuvo en los textos escolares un importante difusor. Estos libros actuaron como inventarios de lo que era necesario saber de la Argentina. Historia y memoria otorgaron a la Revolución de Mayo un valor nodal y los textos de historia de la enseñanza oficial contribuyeron a la construcción y transmisión de la Revolución de Mayo como mito fundacional integrado y funcional al modelo de ciudadanía implementado a partir de 1880.

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Concluida la guerra de independencia y disuelta la unidad colombiana, desde el incipiente estado venezolano se pone especial empeño en fijar un conjunto de referentes históricos que contribuyan a afianzar el proceso de construcción de la Nación. El establecimiento de las fechas patrias, el culto al héroe y la celebración de fiestas cívicas, son parte fundamental de este esfuerzo de integración territorial y de cohesión política cuya finalidad es crear un ideario nacional único para todos los venezolanos. El propósito del artículo es identificar los mecanismos mediante los cuales se establecen estas referencias simbólicas, analizar sus contenidos y estudiar de qué manera se sostienen y se formalizan hasta constituirse en motivo "de celebración perpetua" para el conjunto de la sociedad venezolana.

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This paper offers a brief analysis of the legal aspects of the ethnic return migration policy of Kazakhstan, a post-Soviet Central Asian state that has been active in seeking ties with its diaspora since independence. This paper examines the definition of oralman (repatriates) and the establishment of a quota on the number of Kazakh immigrants who are eligible for government funds to show how the rationale and preferences in repatriation policy have changed over the years. By focusing on changes in migration-related legislation in the late 2000s and early 2010s, the paper notes that two key goals of Kazakhstan’s migration policy are not necessarily consistent with each other: the promotion of an ethnically based nation-building project by encouraging the "return" of co-ethnics living abroad, and building a workforce that is best suited for the development of the state’s economy.

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Following De-Ba'athification, forming a new leadership class will be critical to the success of creating a strong civil society in modern-day Iraq. Implementation of youth educational exchange programs, specifically promoting leadership skills, is a significant part of the solution to stimulating a new generation of leaders. Using the reign of Saddam Hussein and his toppling as a frame of reference, a brief history of Iraq's civil society reveals a need for a new leadership class through the lens of democratic transition and consolidation. After exploring the leadership challenges of post-war nation building, the proposed business plan focuses on implementing a youth leadership program in Iraq, employing a wider participation model, and a lengthier, more involved learning model from existing programs.

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State and international entities can have profound effects on the development of a country’s nursing profession. Through a global health governance lens, this paper explores the development of nursing in Brazil during the early twentieth century, and its intersections with national and international interests. Accordingly, we will show how state policies established an environment that fostered the institutionalization of nursing as a profession in Brazil and supported it as a means to increase the presence of females in nation building processes. The State focused on recruiting elite women for nursing, in part due to the Rockefeller Foundation’s involvement in the country. Nurses who worked for Rockefeller came from well-educated classes within US society with specific ideas about who should be a nurse and the roles of nurses in a healthcare system. These women served as the primary vehicles for interacting with Brazilian health authorities responsible for health system development. Their early efforts did not, however, ensure a system capable of producing nursing human resources at a rate that, in present day Brazil, could meet the health needs of the country. Findings from this paper offer new avenues for historians to explore the early roots of professional nursing through a global health governance lens, improve the understanding of the intersection between international politics and professionalization, and highlight how these factors may impact nursing human resources production in the long term.

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Esta comunicação irá ser publicada no próximo número da Newsletter do RC16 Sociological Theory da International Sociological Association, em Dezembro de 2016.

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Introduction. The week following his reelection, President Obama traveled to Asia – Thailand, Myanmar, and Cambodia –, while facing at home a fiscal cliff, the need to select the next Secretaries of State, Defense, and Treasury, and the resignation of one of America’s most senior and respected generals and Director of the CIA, David Petraeus; all this at the moment wherein the Middle East is burning in flames due to another round of violence between Israel and Hamas. On the other side of the pond, the EU is currently trying to solve or at least contain several crises: the Eurozone, agreeing on the Multiannual Financial Framework 2014-2020, or MFF 2014-2020,2 and saving France.3 For both giants, the American and European priorities are domestic; they both need to do some ‘nation-building at home.’4 The threat of the fiscal cliff in the US and the one of the Eurocrisis in Europe are too important to be ignored and so visceral that they will affect the way both actors behave internationally and interact with one another. The big question since Obama’s reelection has been what will the EU-US relations look like under his second mandate? And will there be any differences from the first one?5 This paper argues that the US-EU relations will remain quite similar as it was under the first Obama presidency. Nevertheless, with the current shift to Asia, the ‘pivot,’ the EU will be required to increase its contributions to global politics and international security. This paper is structured in three parts. First, the economic and political climax of the EU and the US will be presented. In a second a part, the EU and US strategies and foreign policies will be laid out. Last but not least, several core issues facing the Euro-Atlantic community, such as the Asia pivot, Iran, climate change, and the economy will be addressed. Other issues such as Syria, Afghanistan, and the Middle East and North Africa will not be addressed in this paper.6