Feminist agenda. Euskal narratiba garaikidean

I. Sarrera: 1. Ikerketaren helburua. 2. Aurrekariak. 3. Corpusaren justifikazioa. 4. Ikerlanaren marko teoriko-metodologikoa eta eleberriek lantzen dituzten ardatz tematikoak. 5. Ikerlanaren atalak. II. Memoria eta modus autobiografikoa: 1. Sarrera. 2. Memoria ardatz tematiko, eta modus autobiografikoa kontamolde. 3. Landuko den corpusa eta haren justifikazioa. 4. Espazio femeninoaren sorkuntza idazketan izaten den joera autobiografikoa. 5. Kapitulu honetan aztertu diren nobelen ezaugarriak. 6. Pertsonaien aurkezpena (krisialditik jaiotako pertsonaiak). 7. Ondorioak. III. Genero indarkeria: 1. Sarrera. 2. Kapitulu honetan landuko diren nobelak. 3. Indarkeria ikuspegi soziologikotik. 4. Narratologiatik pertsonaiak aztertzen. 5. Indarkeria sinbolikoaren neurketa semantikoa. 6. Ondorioak. IV. Amatasunaren inguruko diskurtsoak: 1. Sarrera. 2. Amatasunaren inguruko datu soziologikoak. 3. Landuko diren nobelak. 4. Corpuseko eleberriak: amatasunaren kontrako jarrerak. 5. Amatasunaren aldeko aldarria egiten duten corpuseko eleberriak. 6. Emakumeen arteko genealogiak eta ama-alaben arteko harremanak. 7. Ondorioak. V. Ondorio orokorrak: 1. Pertsonaia protagonista femeninoen bilakaera. 2. Emakume berria. 3. Pertsonaia berri horren eraikuntza. VI. Bibliografia.

A feminist trade union agenda? The continued significance of class, gender and race.

During the 1990s attempts to identify a feminist trade union agenda have focused on both the content and process of such a potential agenda. In a period in which trade unions have changed significantly, the general national agenda appears to be changing, acknowledging issues of importance to women. UNISON, Britain's largest trade union, has enshrined proportionality and fair representation in its constitution, developing national initiatives aimed at improving opportunities in work and in the union for women, black workers, manual workers, disabled workers, etc. who traditionally have been less well represented. Many issues affecting women generally have moved to centre stage, yet issues affecting women ancillary workers seem as excluded as ever. Through a study of cleaners in the National Health Service this article argues that workplace interests reflect wider social divisions, but in a variety of patterns depending on the social organization of work. Despite thewidening trade union agenda, particular interests — more specifically the workplace interests of working-class women and black women — continue to be neglected.

The effects of prayer on Muslim patients' well-being

The purpose of this study is to investigate the effects of Islamic prayer (du’a, dhikr, and Qur’anic recitation) on Muslim patients. Relying on the Qur’an and sunnah, Islamic scholars state that prayer has positive effects on patients’ psychological and physical well-being. To examine this, the principal investigator recruited 60 adult in-patients at Brigham and Women’s Hospital. Patients completed questionnaires that were used to assess the respondents’ psychological/emotional well being as well as determine the level of religiosity or spirituality (from an Islamic perspective). Vital sign recordings and self-report surveys were used before and after prayer sessions to measure effects of prayer. A non-religious text served as a control. Results support the hypothesis of the positive effects of prayer. A greater degree of religiosity/spirituality was associated with better psychological health. Physical changes were clinically insignificant but statistically meaningful.

Facts and Fictions: Feminist Literary Criticism and Cultural Critique, 1968-2012

"Facts and Fictions: Feminist Literary Criticism and Cultural Critique, 1968-2012" is a critical history of the unfolding of feminist literary study in the US academy. It contributes to current scholarly efforts to revisit the 1970s by reconsidering often-repeated narratives about the critical naivety of feminist literary criticism in its initial articulation. As the story now goes, many of the most prominent feminist thinkers of the period engaged in unsophisticated literary analysis by conflating lived social reality with textual representation when they read works of literature as documentary evidence of real life. As a result, the work of these "bad critics," particularly Kate Millett and Andrea Dworkin, has not been fully accounted for in literary critical terms.

This dissertation returns to Dworkin and Millett's work to argue for a different history of feminist literary criticism. Rather than dismiss their work for its conflation of fact and fiction, I pay attention to the complexity at the heart of it, yielding a new perspective on the history and persistence of the struggle to use literary texts for feminist political ends. Dworkin and Millett established the centrality of reality and representation to the feminist canon debates of "the long 1970s," the sex wars of the 1980s, and the more recent feminist turn to memoir. I read these productive periods in feminist literary criticism from 1968 to 2012 through their varied commitment to literary works.

Chapter One begins with Millett, who de-aestheticized male-authored texts to treat patriarchal literature in relation to culture and ideology. Her mode of literary interpretation was so far afield from the established methods of New Criticism that she was not understood as a literary critic. She was repudiated in the feminist literary criticism that followed her and sought sympathetic methods for reading women's writing. In that decade, the subject of Chapter Two, feminist literary critics began to judge texts on the basis of their ability to accurately depict the reality of women's experiences.

Their vision of the relationship between life and fiction shaped arguments about pornography during the sex wars of the 1980s, the subject of Chapter Three. In this context, Dworkin was feminism's "bad critic." I focus on the literary critical elements of Dworkin's theories of pornographic representation and align her with Millett as a miscategorized literary critic. In the decades following the sex wars, many of the key feminist literary critics of the founding generation (including Dworkin, Jane Gallop, Carolyn Heilbrun, and Millett) wrote memoirs that recounted, largely in experiential terms, the history this dissertation examines. Chapter Four considers the story these memoirists told about the rise and fall of feminist literary criticism. I close with an epilogue on the place of literature in a feminist critical enterprise that has shifted toward privileging theory.

The 1996 ‘Muslim holiday’ affair. Religious competition and state mediation in contemporary Mozambique

Political commentators often cast religious con? ict as the result of the numerical growth and political rise of a single faith. When Islam is involved, arguments about religious fundamentalism are quick to surface and often stand as an explanation in their own right. Yet, as useful as this type of explanation may be, it usually fails to address properly, if at all, two sets of important issues. It avoids, Ž rst, the question of the rise of other religions and their contribution to tensions and con? icts. Second, it reduces the role of the State to a reactive one. The State becomes an object of contest or conquest, or it is simply ignored. Adopting a different approach, this article investigates a controversy that took place in Mozambique in 1996 around the ‘ofŽ cialisation’ of two Islamic holidays. It looks at the role played by religious competition and state mediation. The article shows that the State’s abandonment of religious regulation – the establishment of a free ‘religious market’ – fostered religious competition that created tensions between faiths. It suggests that strife ensued because deregulation was almost absolute: the State did not take a clear stand in religious matters and faith organisations started to believe that the State was becoming, or could become, confessional. The conclusion discusses theoretical implications for the understanding of religious strife as well as Church and State relations. It also draws some implications for the case of Mozambique more speciŽ cally, implications which should have relevance for countries such as Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe where problems of a similar nature have arisen.