948 resultados para Modern State


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Geochemical and clay mineral parameters of a high accumulation marine sediment core from the Chilean continental slope (41°S) provide a 7700 yr record of rainfall variability in southern Chile related to the position of the Southern Westerlies. We especially use the iron content, measured with a time-resolution of ca. 10 yr on average, of 14C-accelerator mass spectrometry dated marine sediments as a proxy for the relative input of iron-poor Coastal Range and iron-rich Andean source rocks. Variations in this input are most likely induced by rainfall changes in the continental hinterland of the core position. Based on these interpretations, we find a pronounced rainfall variability on multi-centennial to millennial time-scales, superimposed on generally more arid conditions during the middle Holocene (7700 to 4000 cal yr B.P.) compared to the late Holocene (4000 to present). This variability and thus changes in the position of the Southern Westerlies are first compared to regional terrestrial paleoclimate data-sets from central and southern Chile. In order to derive possible wider implications and forcing mechanisms of the Holocene latitudinal shifts of the Southern Westerlies, we then compare our data to ice-core records from both tropical South America and coastal Antarctica. These records show similar bands of variability centered at ca. 900 and 1500 yr. Comparisons of band pass filters suggest a close connection of shifts of the Southern Westerlies to changes within the tropical climate system. The correlation to climate conditions in coastal Antarctica shows a more complicated picture with a phase shift at the beginning of the late Holocene coinciding with the onset of the modern state of El Niño-Southern Oscillation system. The presented data provide further evidence that the well known millennial-scale climate variability during the last glacial continued throughout the Holocene.

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El teatro es el espacio público más significativo en lo que respecta a la construcción de representaciones en la sociedad de la modernidad. En este sentido, indagaremos sobre las representaciones del poder, particularmente sobre la legitimidad monárquica en el teatro isabelino. Nos centraremos en las obras denominadas Henriada de W. Shakespeare, un autor que se ha detenido particularmente en la figura del rey, del príncipe y de las relaciones de alta política. Indagación que tiene como fin introducirse en la problemática de la legitimidad monárquica a la luz de los sucesos ocurridos en una Europa donde la discusión sobre el poder tendrá importantes consecuencias en los desarrollos posteriores del Estado moderno

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El teatro es el espacio público más significativo en lo que respecta a la construcción de representaciones en la sociedad de la modernidad. En este sentido, indagaremos sobre las representaciones del poder, particularmente sobre la legitimidad monárquica en el teatro isabelino. Nos centraremos en las obras denominadas Henriada de W. Shakespeare, un autor que se ha detenido particularmente en la figura del rey, del príncipe y de las relaciones de alta política. Indagación que tiene como fin introducirse en la problemática de la legitimidad monárquica a la luz de los sucesos ocurridos en una Europa donde la discusión sobre el poder tendrá importantes consecuencias en los desarrollos posteriores del Estado moderno

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El teatro es el espacio público más significativo en lo que respecta a la construcción de representaciones en la sociedad de la modernidad. En este sentido, indagaremos sobre las representaciones del poder, particularmente sobre la legitimidad monárquica en el teatro isabelino. Nos centraremos en las obras denominadas Henriada de W. Shakespeare, un autor que se ha detenido particularmente en la figura del rey, del príncipe y de las relaciones de alta política. Indagación que tiene como fin introducirse en la problemática de la legitimidad monárquica a la luz de los sucesos ocurridos en una Europa donde la discusión sobre el poder tendrá importantes consecuencias en los desarrollos posteriores del Estado moderno

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Introduction : Before 1998, no one could think about the amendment of the 1945 Constitution. The 1945 Constitution was a product of nationalist who had hard fought for independence from the Dutch colonization. This historical background made it the symbol of independence of the Indonesian nation. Thus, it has been considered as forbidden to touch contents of the 1945 Constitution whereas political leaders have legitimized their authoritarian rulership by utilizing a symbolic character of the Constitution. With the largest political turmoil since its independence, that is, a breakdown of authoritarian regime and democratic transformation in 1998-1999, however, a myth of the "sacred and inviolable" constitution has disappeared. A new theme has then aroused: how can the 1945 Constitution be adapted for a new democratic regime in Indonesia?    The Indonesian modern state has applied the 1945 Constitution as the basic law since its independence in 1945, except for around 10 years in the 1950s. In the period of independence struggle, contrary to the constitutional provision that a kind of presidential system is employed, a cabinet responsible for the Central National Committee was installed. Politics under this institution was in practice a parliamentary system of government. After the Dutch transferred sovereignty to Indonesia in 1949, West European constitutionalism and party politics under a parliamentary system was fully adopted with the introduction of two new constitutions: the 1949 Constitution of Federal Republic of Indonesia and the 1950 Provisional Constitution of Republic of Indonesia. Since a return from the 1950 Constitution to the 1945 Constitution was decided with the Presidential Decree in 1959, the 1945 Constitution had supported two authoritarian regimes of Soekarno's "Guided Democracy" and Soeharto's "New Order" as a legal base. When the 32-year Soeharto's government fell down and democratization started in 1998, the 1945 Constitution was not replaced with a new one, as seen in many other democratizing countries, but successively reformed to adapt itself to a new democratic regime. In the result of four constitutional amendments in 1999-2002, political institutions in Indonesia are experiencing a transformation from an authoritative structure, in which the executive branch monopolized power along with incompetent legislative and judicial branches, to a modern democratic structure, in which the legislative branch can maintain predominance over the executive. However, as observed that President Abdurrahman Wahid, the first president ever elected democratically in Indonesian history, was impeached after one and a half years in office, democratic politics under a new political institution has never been stable.    Under the 1945 Constitution, how did authoritarian regimes maintain stability? Why can a democratic regime not achieve its stability? What did the two constitutional amendments in the process of democratization change? In the first place, how did the political institutions stipulated by the 1945 Constitution come out? Through answering the above questions, this chapter intends to survey the historical continuity and change of political institutions in Indonesia along with the 1945 Constitutions and to analyze impact of regime transformation on political institutions. First, we examine political institutions stipulated by the original 1945 Constitution as well as historical and philosophical origins of the constitution. Second, we search constitutional foundations in the 1945 Constitution that made it possible for Soekarno and Soeharto to establish and maintain authoritarian regimes. Third, we examine contents of constitutional amendments in the process of democratization since 1998. Fourth, we analyze new political dynamics caused by constitutional changes, looking at the impeachment process of President Abdurrahman Wahid. Finally, we consider tasks faced by Indonesia that seeks to establish a stable democracy.

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The fragmented condition of our everyday brings us closer to the risks of hyper-expression. Against it two positions unfold to help us face a world that escapes our capacities: familiarity and poetic recognition. In the latter it is crucial the role of the insignificant as dynamic and relational instigator of a conscious threading of reality through the actions of the Poeta Faber and his careful look onto the world. / The production of the common as the material and symbolic fabric of the city, unstable reality in a perpetual becoming, leads us to a new and much needed reconsideration of the public/private division born from the modern state. Immersed in the confusion between public and common, we have not perceived that through the expropriation of the first we have been prepared for the willing surrendering of the second. / From insignificance to rebellion as affirmative going into action related to the idea of minor architecture as common and intensely political production, born from the inside of a society that has no more outsides.

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The knowledge about the figure of royal confessor has been, until recent times, very limited for the period of medieval Castile. A lot of studies have been done for Modern Age, when the institution of the kinǵs confessor played an important role in the Court of the Hispanic Crown. It is evident that this figure didńt appear ex nihilo in the Sixteenth Century and there existed some origins. Many historians mentioned some medieval confessors in their studies about any other subjects. Actually, it was not clear if those clerics could be properly considered as confessors. Our first aim has been to find all the references which exist in the sources and bibliography about kinǵs confessors in the Middle Ages and verify their nature as confessors. We fixed the beginning of the period of study with the reign of Enrique II, and its end with the death of Isabel I in 1504. The main reason is the fact that both sovereigns are the first and last monarchs of Trastamara dinasty, a very significant period in the origin of Modern State in Castile. The Church was an essential element in this process, on account of the service which many clerics enlisted to the Crown in different tasks (diplomacy, bureaucracy, Counsel and Counselling, etc.) and their ideological support to this endeavour. In this context, the royal confessor could perform an important work as personal advisor and a loyal subject to the person of the king in so many activities. This is well-known for Modern Age and also fort the reign of transition between this period and the precedent: the period of Catholic Kings. But it isńt for the times backwards...

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Embora todas as constituições incluam direitos, e muitas delas incluam direitos sociais, a verdade é que algumas são mais generosas do que outras a este respeito. Mas nenhuma se aproxima da Constituição da República Portuguesa de 1976 no que toca à extensão e detalhe do seu catálogo de direitos sociais, económicos e culturais. As principais teorias sobre as origens de instituições geraram hipóteses explicativas da constitucionalização desta segunda geração de direitos. Sucede, porém, que estas hipóteses não conseguem explicar de forma totalmente convincente o processo de constitucionalização dos direitos sociais. Isto é ainda mais verdade em casos como o do nosso país, cujo carácter discrepante os tornam ainda mais difíceis de explicar. Neste artigo, estas teorias e respectivas hipóteses serão testadas por relação ao caso português o qual será, sempre que se revelar necessário, comparado com o espanhol. Visamos alcançar dois objectivos com este exercício. Por um lado, pretendemos identificar as limitações das explicações dominantes, incluindo as teorias e hipóteses sobre os mecanismos causais responsáveis pela inclusão de direitos sociais nas constituições. Por outro lado, o nosso propósito é o de conceber explicações alternativas sempre que as existentes se revelem inadequadas ou insuficientes.

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Ukraine has been an independent state for only 20 years and the consequence of the long-term incorporation of Ukrainian lands into the Russian/Soviet state is an ethnically mixed society. In Ukraine, alongside Ukrainians, there are very many Russians and members of other nationalities of the former Soviet Union as well as a still large group of people who identify themselves as Soviets (in terms of their nationality). A significant part of Ukrainians use Russian in their everyday life (particularly professional) while knowing Ukrainian to only a small degree or not at all. Due to this Kyiv has to implement a language policy (which does not have to be pursued in e.g. Poland or Hungary) in search of solutions to ensure the stable functioning of a modern state for a multilingual society. The language issue is therefore an important challenge for the Ukrainian state and one of the more significant issues in Ukraine’s internal politics. In this text I eschew a detailed analysis of the question of Crimea as its social dynamics (also in the language area) is clearly distinct from the remaining part of Ukraine for four reasons: the short-term character of the region’s links with Ukraine, its relative geographic isolation (Crimea is almost an island), the formal autonomy of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, and the presence of the Crimean Tatar community which is demanding the recognition of its language rights.

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This paper examines the association between one of the most basic institutional forms, the family, and a series of demographic, educational, social, and economic indicators across regions in Europe. Using Emmanuel Todd’s classification of medieval European family systems, we identify potential links between family types and regional disparities in household size, educational attainment, social capital, labour participation, sectoral structure, wealth, and inequality. The results indicate that medieval family structures seem to have influenced European regional disparities in virtually every indicator considered. That these links remain, despite the influence of the modern state and population migration, suggests that either such structures are extremely resilient or else they have in the past been internalised within other social and economic institutions as they developed.

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"These papers were first published in the Fortnightly review and in the American Cosmopolitan." --Pref.

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"These papers were first published in the British Fortnightly review and in the American Cosmopolitan."- Pref.

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Translation of: World organization as affected by the nature of the modern state.

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This dissertation explores the nature of Jose Marti's ethical ideas in relation to the rise of late Nineteenth Century Modernity and in tandem with the deconstruction and subversion of the principal constituencies of colonial and aesthetic discourses. Marti proposes a new paradigm that question the insatiable pursuit of novelty, the hostility towards tradition, the historical perspectivism and a critical stance with regard to social aesthetic Modernity. He also questions the cult of reason, the linear historicism, and the teleological progress framed in philosophical utilitarian pragmatism of bourgeois Modernity. His radical criticism of the structures and institutions of the hegemonic power of the modern state override the ontological and epistemological foundations of Modernity. Marti's deconstruction of the fundamental discourses of euro-centristic Occidental culture leads him, through his ethical writings, to an arqueology of Native American civilizations, thus reinserting, within the false premises of European universalism, his counter-discourse of tradition and the voice of the Other.

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The maturation of the public sphere in Argentina during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was a critical element in the nation-building process and the overall development of the modern state. Within the context of this evolution, the discourse of disease generated intense debates that subsequently influenced policies that transformed the public spaces of Buenos Aires and facilitated state intervention within the private domains of the city’s inhabitants. Under the banner of hygiene and public health, municipal officials thus Europeanized the nation’s capital through the construction of parks and plazas and likewise utilized the press to garner support for the initiatives that would remedy the unsanitary conditions and practices of the city. Despite promises to the contrary, the improvements to the public spaces of Buenos Aires primarily benefited the porteño elite while the efforts to root out disease often targeted working-class neighborhoods. The model that reformed the public space of Buenos Aires, including its socially differentiated application of aesthetic order and public health policies, was ultimately employed throughout the Argentine Republic as the consolidated political elite rolled out its national program of material and social development.