728 resultados para Mass media Political aspects Indonesia


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Objective: To assess the recall of media reports about vitamin D and associated factors. Methods: Analysis of cross-sectional telephone interview data (2,001 Queensland adults, 18-70 years) on vitamin D and personal sun protection, recall of media reports and participant characteristics. Results: 83.7% of participants had heard of vitamin D, 47.5% through the media. Only 513 (25.6%) participants recalled the media content within four main themes: vitamin D is beneficial/comes from the sun (47.0%); some people aren’t getting enough vitamin D, need more sun (27.9%); need to balance sun exposure and skin protection (11.5%); or other (13.6%). Only 65 of the 950 participants (6.8%) reported a change to their behaviour(s) due to the media report. Conclusion: Although the media were the main source of information about vitamin D for almost 50% of participants, recall of the content and direct effect on behaviour was low. Only a small minority recalled a balanced media report of beneficial and harmful aspects of sun exposure. Implications Health professionals often supply media with background information. To achieve best public health practice for sun protection and vitamin D, information to foster balanced media reports should be provided.

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The history of political blogging in Australia does not entirely match the development of blogospheres in other countries. Even at its beginning, blogging was not an entirely alternative endeavour – one of the first news or political blogs was Margo Kingston’s Webdiary, hosted by the Sydney Morning Herald. In the United States, whose political blogosphere has been examined most comprehensively in the literature (see e.g. Adamic & Glance, 2005; Drezner & Farrell, 2008; Shaw & Benkler, 2012; Tremayne, 2007; Wallsten, 2008), blogging had a clear historical trajectory from alternative to mainstream medium. The Australian blogosphere, by contrast, has seen early and continued involvement from representatives of the mainstream media, blogging both for their employers and independently (Garden, 2010). Coupled with the incorporation of blog-like technologies into news websites, as well as with obvious differences in the size of the available talent pool and potential audience for political blogging in Australia, this recognition of blogging by the mainstream media may be one reason why, in political and news discussions at least, Australian bloggers did not bring about their own, local equivalents to the resignations of Dan Rather or Trent Lott in the U.S. –events which were commonly attributed in part to the work of bloggers (Simons, 2007). However, the acceptance of the blogging concept by the mainstream media has been accompanied by a comparative lack of acceptance towards individual bloggers. Analyses and commentary published by bloggers have been attacked by journalists, creating an at times antagonistic relationship between the mainstream media and bloggers (Flew & Wilson, 2010; Young, 2011). In this article, we examine the historical development of blogging in Australia, focussing primarily on political and news blogs. In particular, we review who the bloggers are and how the connections between different blogs and other titles have changed over the past decade. The paper tracks the evolution of individual and group blogs, independent and mainstream media-hosted opinion sites, and the gradual convergence of these platforms and their associated contributing authors. We conclude by examining the current state of the Australian blogosphere and its likely future development, taking into account the rise of social media, and in particular Twitter, as additional spaces for public commentary.

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This article aims to discuss the notion of moral progress in the theory of recognition. It argues that Axel Honneth's program offers sophisticated theoretical guidance to observe and critically interpret emancipatory projects in contemporary politics based on ideas of individuality and social inclusiveness. Using a case study – the investigation, through frame analysis, of transformations in the portrayal of people with impairment as well as in public discourses on the issue of disability in major Brazilian news media from 1960 to 2008 – this article addresses three controversies: the notion of progress as a directional process; the problem of moral disagreement and conflict of interest in struggles for recognition; and the processes of social learning. By articulating empirically based arguments and Honneth's normative discussions, this study concludes that one can talk about moral progress without losing sight of value pluralism and conflict of interest.

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Characterized by socio-political changes, instability and conflict since 1990, Nepal is a nation in political transition. The media play a significant role in influencing this transition. Since 1990, various global and local factors have contributed to an unprecedented growth in the mass media in Nepal. This article analyses the expansion in the media against indicators of media pluralism to ask whether this expansion, within a difficult political transition, translates to media pluralism. The article draws upon qualitative research to assess the media market, the resources available for the media, diversity in media ownership and products, competition and ethics and policy and regulatory provisions within a struggling economy and an environment of poor law and order.

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Data generated via user activity on social media platforms is routinely used for research across a wide range of social sciences and humanities disciplines. The availability of data through the Twitter APIs in particular has afforded new modes of research, including in media and communication studies; however, there are practical and political issues with gaining access to such data, and with the consequences of how that access is controlled. In their paper ‘Easy Data, Hard Data’, Burgess and Bruns (2015) discuss both the practical and political aspects of Twitter data as they relate to academic research, describing how communication research has been enabled, shaped and constrained by Twitter’s “regimes of access” to data, the politics of data use, and emerging economies of data exchange. This conceptual model, including the ‘easy data, hard data’ formulation, can also be applied to Sina Weibo. In this paper, we build on this model to explore the practical and political challenges and opportunities associated with the ‘regimes of access’ to Weibo data, and their consequences for digital media and communication studies. We argue that in the Chinese context, the politics of data access can be even more complicated than in the case of Twitter, which makes scientific research relying on large social data from this platform more challenging in some ways, but potentially richer and more rewarding in others.

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Jürgen Habermas’s concept of the public sphere remains a major building block for our understanding of public communication and deliberation. Yet ‘the’ public sphere is a construct of its time, and the mass media-dominated environment which it describes has given way to a considerably more fragmented and complex system of distinct and diverse, yet interconnected and overlapping publics that represent different themes, topics, and approaches to mediated communication. This chapter argues that moving beyond the orthodox model of the public sphere to a more dynamic and complex conceptual framework provides the opportunity to more clearly recognise the varying forms that public communication can take, especially online. Unpacking the traditional public sphere into a series of public sphericules and micro-publics, none of which are mutually exclusive but which co-exist, intersecting and overlapping in multiple forms, is crucial for understanding the ongoing structural transformation of ‘the’ public sphere.

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This study investigates the process of producing interactivity in a converged media environment. The study asks whether more media convergence equals more interactivity. The research object is approached through semi-structured interviews of prominent decision makers within the Finnish media. The main focus of the study are the three big ones of the traditional media, radio, television and the printing press, and their ability to adapt to the changing environment. The study develops theoretical models for the analysis of interactive features and convergence. Case-studies are formed from the interview data and they are evaluated against the models. As a result the cases arc plotted and compared on a four-fold table. The cases are Radio Rock, NRJ, Biu Brother, Television Chat, Olivia and Sanoma News. It is found out that the theoretical models can accurately forecast the results of the case studies. The models are also able to distinguish different aspects of both interactivity and convergence so that a case, which at a first glance seems not to be very interactive is in the end found out to receive second highest scores on the analysis. The highest scores are received by Big Brother and Sanoma News. Through the theory and the analysis of the research data it is found out that the concepts of interactivity and convergence arc intimately intertwined and very hard in many cases to separate from each other. Hence the answer to the main question of this study is yes, convergence does promote interactivity and audience participation. The main theoretical background for the analysis of interactivity follows the work of Came Fleeter, Spiro Kiousis and Sally McMillan. Heeler's six-dimensional definition of interactivity is used as the basis for operationalizing interactivity. The actor-network theory is used as the main theoretical framework to analyze convergence. The definition and operationalization of the actor-network theory into a model of convergence follows the work of Michel Callon. Bruno Latour and especially John Law and Felix Stalder.

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Resumen: Cuando los medios se refieren a los candidatos políticos en una situación de campaña electoral proyectan una cierta imagen de los mismos a partir de las verbalizaciones que preponderan en los mensajes informativos. El presente trabajo analiza estas verbalizaciones de los medios en el marco de la teoría de la Agenda Setting, más específicamente en el segundo nivel de esta teoría, la cual hace referencia a los atributos o aspectos que caracterizan a los protagonistas de las noticias, para este estudio en particular, los políticos. Esta teoría fue puesta a prueba repetidamente desde su aplicación en las elecciones estadounidenses de 1968 de la mano de sus autores Maxwell McCombs y Donald Shaw. La misma se ha extendido con paso firme desde su país de origen hacia otras latitudes. El objetivo general es describir la imagen de los candidatos presidenciales a partir de las expresiones que preponderan en los medios masivos de comunicación, durante la campaña presidencial en Argentina ocurrida en octubre de 2011. El procedimiento consiste en el relevamiento realizado durante los meses anteriores a las elecciones presidenciales. Para ello fue necesario armar un corpus compuesto por la selección de los medios masivos de comunicación a analizar. Seguidamente se realiza el análisis de contenido del corpus y se procede al análisis de los datos, de ello deriva una base de datos, donde la unidad de análisis fue la mención de los diversos aspectos o características de los candidatos políticos. Los aspectos o características fueron tomados de investigaciones anteriores que aplicaron la misma metodología y que fueron realizadas en nuestro país también en situaciones de contextos electorales. Por ello es factible de efectuar comparaciones en el tiempo, ya que una de las enormes riquezas de la teoría de la Agenda Setting es la de ser susceptible de comparación por tratarse de una metodología de análisis sistemático. La revisión de la teoría de la Agenda Setting que enmarca esta investigación pretende introducirnos primeramente en las investigaciones de medios masivos en general para luego focalizar en la teoría propiamente dicha y más aún en el segundo nivel de la teoría que trata de los atributos de los personajes públicos Se realiza posteriormente una breve sinopsis de investigaciones en Latinoamérica y Argentina, sobre temas relacionados con campañas electorales y no electorales para finalmente de manera concatenada dar cuenta de trabajos realizados en nuestro país en situaciones de campañas políticas

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Noam Chomsky, figure notoire du cognitivisme innéiste en psycholinguistique, est aussi un important penseur américain et activiste politique ayant écrit sur une multitude de sujets, issus de domaines variés : politique interne et étrangère des États-Unis, critique des médias de masse et enjeux sociaux liés aux droits de l’Homme, pour ne nommer que ceux-ci. Par contre, et malgré l’abondance de ses écrits à ce propos, Chomsky est, à ce jour, très peu étudié en philosophie de l’éducation : ce mémoire de maîtrise s’inscrit ainsi dans une perspective d’exploration, de définition et d’analyse de la pensée éducative chomskyenne, dans le but de présenter et réfléchir la portée possible d’une telle pensée dans l’axe philosophique des recherches en éducation. Devant la rareté, voire l’absence de recherches francophones et anglophones concernant notre objet d’étude, plus d’une centaine de livres, articles, entrevues et vidéos portant sur la philosophie chomskyenne et celle de grands penseurs humanistes, critiques ou opposés aux postulats chomskyens ont été retenus, lus et analysés dans le cadre de ce projet. Deux objectifs précis ont guidé ce mémoire : d’abord, présenter et analyser la pensée éducative chomskyenne en regard de ses fondements philosophiques et de ses ancrages intellectuels dans les traditions humaniste et critique en philosophie éducative, puis mettre en lumière l’unicité de cette pensée par rapport à ces traditions et à quelques courants opposés en éducation. Au terme de ce mémoire, nous espérons ainsi répondre aux questions suivantes : dans quelle mesure Chomsky s’inscrit-il dans les traditions humaniste et critique en éducation? Peut-il être considéré comme un héritier de la pensée de certains philosophes particuliers? En quoi sa pensée, relative à la philosophie de l’éducation, est-elle pertinente et innovante pour ce domaine fondamental? Et, finalement, quelles critiques pouvons-nous lui adresser?

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The basic idea behind improving local food security consists of two paths; first, accessibility (price, stock) and second, availability (quantity and biodiversity); both are perquisites to the provision of nutrients and a continuous food supply with locally available resources. The objectives of this thesis are to investigate if indigenous knowledge still plays an important role in traditional farming in the Minangkabau`s culture, thus supporting local food security. If the indigenous knowledge still plays a role in food culture in the Minangkabau`s culture which is linked to the matrilineal role and leads to a sound nutrition. Further, it should be tested if marantau influences traditional farming and food culture in Minangkabau`s, and if the local government plays a role in changing of traditional farming systems and food culture. Furthermore this thesis wants to prove if education and gender are playing a role in changing traditional farming system and food culture, and if the mass media affects traditional farming systems and food culture for the Minangkabau. The study was completed at four locations in West Sumatera; Nagari Ulakan (NU) (coastal area), Nagari Aia Batumbuak (NAB) (hilly area), Nagari Padang Laweh Malalo (NPLM) (lake area), Nagari Pandai Sikek (NPS) (hilly area). The rainfall ranged from 1400- 4800 mm annually with fertile soils. Data was collected by using PRA (Participatory Rural Appraisal) to investigate indigenous knowledge (IK) and its interactions, which is also combining with in depth-interview, life history, a survey using semi-structured-questionnaire, pictures, mapping, and expert interview. The data was collected from June - September 2009 and June 2010. The materials are; map of area, list of names, questionnaires, voices recorder, note book, and digital camera. The sampling method was snowball sampling which resulted in the qualitative and quantitative data taken. For qualitative data, ethnography and life history was used. For quantitative, a statistical survey with a semi-structured questionnaire was used. 50 respondents per each site participated voluntarily. Data was analyzed by performing MAXQDA 10, and F4 audio analysis software (created and developed by Philip-University Marburg). The data is clustered based on causality. The results show that; the role of IK on TFS (traditional farming system) shown on NPLM which has higher food crop biodiversity in comparison to the other three places even though it has relatively similar temperature and rainfall. This high food crop biodiversity is due to the awareness of local people who realized that they lived in unfavourable climate and topography; therefore they are more prepared for any changes that may occur. Carbohydrate intake is 100 % through rice even though they are growing different staple crops. Whereas most of the people said in the interviews that not eating rice is like not really eating for them. In addition to that, mothers still play an important role in kitchen activities. But when the agriculture income is low, mothers have to decide whether to change the meals or to feel insecure about their food supply. Marantau yields positive impact through the remittances it provides to invest on the farm. On the other hand, it results in fewer workers for agriculture, and therefore a negative impact on the transfer of IK. The investigation showed that the local government has a PTS (Padi Tanam Sabatang) programme which still does not guarantee that the farmers are getting sufficient revenue from their land. The low agricultural income leads to situation of potential food insecurity. It is evident that education is equal among men and women, but in some cases women tend to leave school earlier because of arranged marriages or the distances of school from their homes. Men predominantly work in agriculture and fishing, while women work in the kitchen. In NAB, even though women work on farmland they earn less then men. Weaving (NPS) and kitchen activity is recognized as women’s work, which also supports the household income. Mass media is not yielding any changes in TFS and food culture in these days. The traditional farming system has changed because of intensive agricultural extension which has introduced new methods of agriculture for the last three decades (since the 1980’s). There is no evidence that they want to change any of their food habits because of the mass media despite the lapau activity which allows them to get more food choices, instead preparing traditional meal at home. The recommendations of this thesis are: 1) The empowerment of farmers. It is regarding the self sufficient supply of manure, cooperative seed, and sustainable farm management. Farmers should know – where are they in their state of knowledge – so they can use their local wisdom and still collaborate with new sources of knowledge. Farmers should learn the prognosis of supply and demand next prior to harvest. There is a need for farm management guidelines; that can be adopted from both their local wisdom and modern knowledge. 2) Increase of non-agricultural income Increasing the non-agricultural income is strongly recommended. The remittances can be invested on non-agricultural jobs. 3) The empowerment of the mother. The mother plays an important role in farm to fork activities; the mother can be an initiator and promoter of cultivating spices in the backyard. Improvement of nutritional knowledge through information and informal public education can be done through arisan ibu-ibu and lapau activity. The challenges to apply these recommendations are: 1) The gap between institutions and organizations of local governments. There is more than one institution involved in food security policy. 2) Training and facilities for field extension agriculture (FEA) is needed because the rapid change of interaction between local government and farmer’s dependent on this agency.

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This paper examines two aspects. First, the symbolic dimension of politics and some of the elements that make up this universe, as the scenario, the representation, the myth, the spectacle, the media and the political and electoral marketing. We assume that the policy brings together a set of traits related to both reason and the human subjectivity, and can not be summed up in just a few calculations based on rationality. In the case of elections, in a process (ritual, according Irlys Barrier) of choice, there is a meeting of two systems of representations: to that transmitted by a political actor, in a scene from a particular context, based on a life trajectory unique, and the other from the public, crossed by social relations, situations own wishes, desires, expectations and unique perspectives. Between them there are the means of mass media (especially television), and with them the advent of language media and advertising applied to politics, changing the layout of public visibility and inaugurating what Rejane Accioly Carvalho will call the "aesthetics of mostrabilidade". This does not necessarily mean a preponderance of media on politics as a whole but only its adaptation to that with regard to contact with the public, the ad extra portion of the policy, according to Wilson Gomes. In a second aspect, try to apply these elements to a specific study to verify them in building an effective public image, in this case, the current governor of Rio Grande do Norte, Wilma de Faria. The concept of public image is from the book of Wilson Gomes The transformation was visible in the mass media, and relates to a conceptual image to fix "personality traits" through political history, personal conduct, action of image makers and the public reception. For this we will review some videos aired on Free Time for political propaganda in the years 2002 and 2006.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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There is a widening consensus around the fact that, in many developed countries, food production-consumption patterns are in recent years interested by a process of deep change towards diversification and re-localisation practices, as a counter-tendency to the trend to the increasing disconnection between farming and food, producers and consumers. The relevance of these initiatives doesn't certainly lie on their economic dimension, but rather in their intense diffusion and growth rate, their spontaneous and autonomous nature and, especially, their intrinsic innovative potential. These dynamics involve a wide range of actors around local food patterns, embedding short food supply chains initiatives within a more complex and wider process of rural development, based on principles of sustainability, multifunctionality and valorisation of endogenous resources. In this work we have been analysing these features through a multi-level perspective, with reference to the dynamics between niche and regime and the inherent characteristics of the innovation paths. We apply this approach, through a qualitative methodology, to the analysis of the experience of farmers’ markets and Solidarity-Based Consumers Groups (Gruppi di Acquisto Solidale) ongoing in Tuscany, seeking to highlight the dynamics that are affecting the establishment of this alternative food production-consumption model (and its related innovative potential) from within and from without. To verify if and in which conditions they can constitute a niche, a protected space where radical innovations can develop, we make reference to the three interrelated analytic dimensions of socio-technical systems: the actors (i.e. individuals. social groups, organisations), the rules and institutions system, and the artefacts (i.e. the material and immaterial contexts in which the actors move). Through it, we analyse the innovative potential of niches and the level of their structuration and , then, the mechanisms of system transition, focusing on the new dynamics within the niche and between the niche and the policy regime emerging after the growth of interest by mass-media and public institutions and their direct involvement in the initiatives. Following the development of these significant experiences, we explore more deeply social, economic, cultural, political and organisational factors affecting innovations in face-to-face interactions, underpinning the critical aspects (sharing of alternative values, coherence at individual choices level, frictions on organisational aspects, inclusion/exclusion, attitudes towards integration at territorial level), towards uncovering until to the emergence of tensions and the risks of opportunistic behaviours that might arise from their growth. Finally, a comparison with similar experiences abroad is drawn (specifically with Provence), in order to detect food for thought, potentially useful for leading regional initiativestowards transition path.

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In this article we argue that it is pressing to study the “hybrid media system” at the intersection of online and offl ine communication and its potential for agenda building. The topic is relevant because it is argued that the internet off ers new opportunities of public infl uence for challengers without access to political decision making. Except for single case studies, little is known about the conditions under which these actors succeed. Informed by the research on agenda building we tackle with the mechanisms of online-offline media agenda building and the conditions under which challengers succeed to produce issue spill-over into conventional mass media. We develop a theoretical framework for investigating the linkage between online communication and traditional mass media and discuss how our model translates into empirical research. We conclude that the nature of online networks is critical for spill-over, but also the issue itself and the structure of the political system.