Reforms of the pre-graduate curriculum for medical students: the Bologna process and beyond.

For several years, all five medical faculties of Switzerland have embarked on a reform of their training curricula for two reasons: first, according to a new federal act issued in 2006 by the administration of the confederation, faculties needed to meet international standards in terms of content and pedagogic approaches; second, all Swiss universities and thus all medical faculties had to adapt the structure of their curriculum to the frame and principles which govern the Bologna process. This process is the result of the Bologna Declaration of June 1999 which proposes and requires a series of reforms to make European Higher Education more compatible and comparable, more competitive and more attractive for Europeans students. The present paper reviews some of the results achieved in the field, focusing on several issues such as the shortage of physicians and primary care practitioners, the importance of public health, community medicine and medical humanities, and the implementation of new training approaches including e-learning and simulation. In the future, faculties should work on several specific challenges such as: students' mobility, the improvement of students' autonomy and critical thinking as well as their generic and specific skills and finally a reflection on how to improve the attractiveness of the academic career, for physicians of both sexes.

The Political cost of reforms

This paper formalizes in a fully-rational model the popular idea that politicians perceive an electoral cost in adopting costly reforms with future benefits and reconciles it with the evidence that reformist governments are not punished by voters. To do so, it proposes a model of elections where political ability is ex-ante unknown and investment in reforms is unobservable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politicians make too little reforms in an attempt to signal high ability and increase their reappointment probability. Although in a rational expectation equilibrium voters cannot be fooled and hence reelection does not depend on reforms, the strategy of underinvesting in reforms is nonetheless sustained by out-of-equilibrium beliefs. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, uncertainty makes reforms more politically viable and may, under some conditions, increase social welfare. The model is then used to study how political rewards can be set so as to maximize social welfare and the desirability of imposing a one-term limit to governments. The predictions of this theory are consistent with a number of empirical regularities on the determinants of reforms and reelection. They are also consistent with a new stylized fact documented in this paper: economic uncertainty is associated to more reforms in a panel of 20 OECD countries.

Consens i revolució: Poble i nació a la Barcelona de la Revolució Liberal, 1835-1843

Anàlisi dels deferents discursos de moderats, progressistes i republicans i els usos dels mots “poble” i “nació” durant els anys 1837-1843. L’autor considera que aquesta perspectiva és important per entendre el període, tot i que els recents debats sobre els orígens del nacionalisme a Espanya ho han deixat en un lloc secundari

Complexité, médecine générale et réformes des systèmes de santé [Complexity, general practice and reforms of health systems].

The family doctor facing complexity must decide in situations of low certainty and low agreement. Complexity is in part subjective but can also be measured. Changes in the health systems aim to reduce health costs. They tend to give priority to simple situations and to neglect complexity. One role of an academic institute of family medicine is to present and promote the results of scientific research supporting the principles of family medicine, taking into account both the local context and health systems reforms. In Switzerland the new challenge is the introduction of managed care.

Violència, religió i la ciutat: els significats de la política liberal dels anys vint i trenta del segle XIX

Estudi realitzat a partir d’una estada a l’Institut Desenvolupat a School of Comparative American Studies adscrit a la University of Warwick, Regne Unit, entre 2011 i 2012. Aquest projecte analitza en primer lloc la mobilització popular del primer liberalisme i la formació de les primeres organitzacions polítiques liberals que es constituïren a partir de les societats secretes i es propagaren a través dels principals centres de sociabilitat liberal: les societats patriòtiques. En segon lloc mitjançant l’estudi de la mobilitat dels liberals entre l’Espanya metropolitana i el virregnat de Nueva Espanya demostra com es dibuixà un nou model polític basat en el federalisme. El tercer aspecte d’anàlisi és com els exiliats catalans a Anglaterra reberen el suport de la Foreign Bible Society perquè havia mantingut contactes des dels primers anys vint amb l’alt clergat espanyol. El darrer aspecte de la recerca abasta l’estudi de l’espai urbà en relació amb les pràctiques polítiques dels ciutadans a partir de l’anàlisi de la formació i ampliació de les places de la ciutat de Barcelona durant la primera meitat del segle XIX.

Multilateral Trade and Agricultural Policy Reforms in Sugar Markets, September 2005

We analyze the impact of trade liberalization, removal of production subsidies, and elimination of consumption distortions in world sugar markets using a partial-equilibrium international sugar model calibrated on 2002 market data and current policies. The removal of trade distortions alone induces a 27% price increase while the removal of all trade and production distortions induces a 48% increase by 2011/12 relative to the baseline. Aggregate trade expands moderately, but location of production and trade patterns change substantially. Protectionist OECD countries (the EU, Japan, the US) experience an import expansion or export reduction and significant contraction in production in unfettered markets. Competitive producers in both OECD countries (Australia) and non-OECD countries (Brazil, Cuba), and even some protected producers (Indonesia, Turkey), expand production when all distortions are removed. Consumption distortions have marginal impacts on world markets and location of production. We discuss the significance of these results in the context of mounting pressures to increase market access in highly protected OECD countries and the impact on non-OECD countries.