968 resultados para Labor movement - Australia


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Never has a form of legislation created such contentious and wide-reaching emotional debate in Australia. It has divided the community and has resulted in extensive media activity. To the forefront are Australian academics who have often been the resource of expert comment and their reports have been prolific. In this book, academics have taken to opportunity to write their own perception of the impact of Work Choices in the workplace.

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The University of Queensland Cybrary in partnership with the Distributed Systems Technology Centre (DSTC), has created a searchable, web based digital oral history resource, based on a collection of stories of women involved in the Queensland Labor movement. A Trades and Labour Council of Queensland oral history collection was used to develop a framework for retrieval of audio materials on the web. A system for linking digitized media files to indexes created from transcripts (Meggie) has been developed. This allows the media file itself to be searched via key words. A trial was conducted and work is now proceeding on completing the collection. The final product will be made available via the Library's web site. The process followed, the choices made, the problems overcome, and the results achieved, will be outlined.

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This paper discusses the dilemmas and challenges of the union of social workers in contemporary Brazil. The study is supported by the theme in a literature search, especially productions that deal with the trade union movement of workers in the brazilian reality, as well as on field research, which consisted of interviews with national trade union leaders of the CUT and CONLUTA as also representatives of national organizations representing the professional category of social workers, notably CFESS, ABEPSS ENESSO and a labor union and the national category, FENAS. The analysis of the object is oriented in the perspective of totality, considering its founding and contradictory aspects of the current socio-historical dynamics. The inflections occurred in the razilian Labor Movement in the early 1990s, during which the offensive of capital, characterized by the fusion of flexible accumulation and the dictates of neoliberal policy is established in the country, caused a profound shock in life and organization of the class working. The major repercussions of this process are evident today in the form of defensive organization of trade union struggles, notably fragile and fragmented. In the case of the category of social workers is symptomatic of the political backlash, experienced the process of reopening their unions and the creation of FENAS. This definition, part of the analysis that considers more strategic perspective of class organization, corporate antiunionism of the mass of the 1980s, built, largely, by category and expressed by the extinction of their union and unification to the broader struggles of workers with transition to unionization by industry. Given this reality, we analyze the performance of the political perspectives of the brazilian labor movement, from the characterization of organizational arrangements for trade union struggles and situate this process, the motion to reopen union of social workers, from the emergence of FENAS. Therefore, we aimed to identify the particular and the ideological and political perspectives that make up the dilemma of the trade union movement from this reopening, as corresponds to a political trend, largely, overcome within the brazilian social work

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La trajectoire du syndicalisme au Brésil de 1978 à 1998 se présente comme un passage, sur le plan de la stratégie syndicale, de la confrontation à la coopération conflictuelle, ou encore, de la lutte des classes dans la production vers une «convergence antagonique», ou un syndicalisme de participation ou de «concertation sociale», qui s'avère précisement un défensivisme nouveau, d'apparence néo-corporative. Ce que nous cherchons à caractériser ici est l'importance progressive dans la pratique syndicaliste prépondérante de la CUT dans les années 90 du nouveau corporatisme ouvrier, qui a tendance à affaiblir la perspective de classe qui a caractérisé la lutte politique et syndicale au Brésil dans les années 80.

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During the past decade, influenced strongly by World Bank land policies, many governments instituted a new mode of recreating the peasantry, one supposedly led by market forces through credit programs secured by land. Supported by large landowner organizations, defended as a conquest by the rural labor movement and combated by member organizations of the Via Campesina, the new mode of peasant renovation has inspired a diversity of interpretations both positive and negative. To evaluate these events, this article seeks to demonstrate the World Bank's intentionality in urging the implementation of market-led agrarian reform in developing countries; discusses the construction of immaterial territories in the context of this policy; analyzes the development of a people's think tank in response to the agitation of the Via Campesina Brazil and the negative impact of the credit system on peasants.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT

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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

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Aku Päiviö was one of the most influential voices of the Finnish labor movement in North America—a poet who also wrote plays and novels, and an editor who worked for a variety of newspapers across the United States and Canada. During the height of the Finnish socialist movement from around 1904-1916, Päiviö published a number of poems that identified with the actions and ideologies of the working-class. He also edited for newspapers such as Kansan Lehti and Raivaaja, further extending his literary reach. Despite his prodigious publications and influence, however, little of Päiviö’s writing has been translated into English. This paper celebrates Päiviö’s legacy with some English translations of his poems, specifically those commemorating the 1913-14 Michigan Copper Strike, and illuminates how various thematic and structural relationships in these poems relate to the ideologies and movements of the time.

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Labor Historian Marc Karson has singled out “labor priest” Peter E. Dietz as one of the strongest proponents for the active implementation of the Catholic Church’s 1890’s labor encyclical Rerum Novarum in the daily practice of American Catholics. Biographer Sister Mary Harrita Fox pointed out that in his work, Dietz “was particularly concerned over the role of the church in the copper strike in Upper Michigan.” This “particular concern” should be noted since the 1913 strike was one of the only disputes where Dietz went out of his way to visit and become actively involved. Why the keen interest? This presentation will review the impetus for the huge effort which brought Peter E. Dietz to the Copper Country and solely to that dispute alone, the resulting visit and report that he made concerning the strike, the important role he believed this visit and stance in the Copper Strike had in the future of the Church’s relationship to the US labor movement. The presentation will look at both what Dietz thought would occur as a result of his 1913 trip to the Keweenaw and what actually happened in this pivotal pre-World War One era event. The paper will put Father Peter E. Dietz and the Catholic Church into the larger frame of how religion has been viewed within the history of the Strike.

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"Literature, Art and Music" verschiedene Typoskripte, zum Teil mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, zwei davon auf deutsch; ein Teilstück, gesamt circa 100 Blatt; "Scope and Method" a) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 7 Blatt; b) Typoskript, deutsch, mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen von Max Horkheimer, 8 Blatt; c) Typoskript, deutsch, mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen von Max Horkheimer, 3 Blatt; d) Manuskript, Entwurf von Theodor W. Adorno, 1 Blatt; "Labor Movement" verschiedene Typoskripte, zum Teil mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, circa 49 Blatt; zwei Teilstückem davon eins mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 4 Blatt; Typoskript und Manuskript, 7 Blatt; "Biographical Notes" a) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 15 Blatt; b) Typoskript mit handschrifltichen Korrekturen, 19 Blatt; c) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 19 Blatt; d)-p) Fassungen der einzelnen Abschnitte aus 14; d) Vorspann, Typoskript und Manuskript, 2 Blatt; e) "Max Horkheimer" Typuskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 5 Blatt; f) "Frederick Pollock" Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 2 Blatt; g) "Leo Löwenthal" Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen und Manuskript, 4 Blatt; h) "Herbert Marcuse" Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 1 Blatt; i) "Franz L. Neumann" Manuskript, 2 Blatt k) "Theodor W. Adorno" Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 4 Blatt; l) "Henryk Grossman" Typoskript und Manuskript, 8 Blatt; m) "A.R.L. Gurland" Typoskript und Manuskriot, 4 Blatt; n) "Otto Kirchheimer", Typoskript und Manuskript, 4 Blatt; o) "Kurt Pinthus" Typoskript und Manuskrit, 5 Blatt; p) "Joseph Soudek" Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 2 Blatt;

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Nuestra investigación se centró fundamentalmente en las distintas formas en que las derechas respondieron a los conflictos suscitados en el mundo del trabajo durante el período de entreguerras. En primer lugar, advertimos que la cuestión social fue adquiriendo un rol protagónico en la agenda nacionalista tal como puede verse, por ejemplo, a través del análisis de los periódicos. En efecto, los diarios más importantes adscriptos al nacionalismo desarrollaron un discurso radical respecto a los problemas sociales e incluyeron secciones específicas para tratar estas cuestiones y expresar una posición al respecto. Las respuestas del nacionalismo argentino frente a la cuestión obrera han sido múltiples y han abarcado distintas esferas de la vida social. Lejos de esperar que la solución a los problemas sociales proviniera exclusivamente de las medidas restrictivas y represivas hacia el movimiento obrero, los nacionalistas elaboraron programas sociales, políticos, económicos y culturales que formaron parte de su proyecto de nación autoritaria y jerárquica. Los proyectos sociales y las propuestas de organización sindical fueron en gran parte inspirados por los fascismos europeos los cuales incluyeron programas de contención social dentro de un orden político totalitario. En este sentido los nacionalistas argentinos intentaron mediante sus propuestas imponer un orden que contemplara las necesidades básicas de los sectores populares y que preservara las jerarquías sociales limitando la participación política o sindical de los trabajadores y eliminando definitivamente alas fuerzas de la izquierda revolucionaria. Las organizaciones obreras nacionalistas incluyeron todo tipo de trabajadores en sus filas y procuraron captar tanto a los afiliados de los sindicatos autónomos como a los trabajadores socialistas. Algunas de estas organizaciones fueron efímeras mientras que otras tuvieron más éxito y lograron atraer adherentes. Las mismas conformaron la corriente que hemos denominado nacionalismo sindicalista, la cual desarrolló su propia doctrina social fuertemente influenciada por las encíclicas papales. Las manifestaciones nacionalistas en el espacio público porteño han sido también analizadas in extenso. Existieron distintos tipos de manifestaciones para movilizar a los seguidores del nacionalismo y para captar nuevos adherentes, especialmente aquellos provenientes de los sectores populares. Las manifestaciones se convirtieron en el escenario de las disputas ideológicas mantenidas tanto contra la política liberal como contra la revolucionaria. La "revolución nacionalista", según la formulaban sus partidarios, implicaba trascender los aspectos políticos y económicos incorporando transformaciones en otras áreas de la vida social: las costumbres, las formas de vida, los gustos culturales, los valores. Los nacionalistas advirtieron que para lograr este tipo de "revolución" debían hacer usa de los medios de comunicación masivos y diseñar proyectos para regular las industrias culturales. El objetivo de representar a los sectores populares fracasó rotundamente. El discurso nacionalista que condenaba la diversidad étnico-religiosa, que amenazaba con eliminar las distintas voces políticas existentes, y que expresaba un odio visceral a sus enemigos (ya fueran judíos, anarquistas, comunistas, o liberales) fue extremadamente desafortunado para quienes procuraron ensanchar las bases de un movimiento antidemocrático originalmente elitista que, a la luz del contexto internacional y de las condiciones locales, devino en populista