900 resultados para L., Sarah (Sarah Lucas)
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Il presente studio si propone come una rilettura del profilo drammaturgico e teatrale di Sarah Kane a partire dalla ricostruzione e integrazione dei dati biografici e delle interazioni artistiche e personali dell’autrice. Lo studio si articola in due sezioni: in un primo momento esso inquadra contestualmente la drammaturgia inglese del secondo dopoguerra, origine della prima generazione dei Giovani Arrabbiati e sostrato della trasformazione teatrale britannica degli anni Novanta. La seconda sezione, invece, si articola come un’indagine biografica della vita della Kane scandita da documenti e immagini inediti. Tali immagini restituiscono una preziosa testimonianza dei primi spettacoli giovanili, delle prime regie e del percorso professionale maturo della drammaturga/regista, oltre a far luce sulla sua vita personale e famigliare e sugli influssi della stessa sul suo teatro. Inoltre, lo studio approfondito delle vicende biografiche dell’autrice ridisegna le caratteristiche fondanti dell'universo teatrale britannico comprendendo il valore che hanno: i teatri, la critica giornalistica e le strutture universitarie, per la configurazione del sistema teatrale.
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From the library of T. L. Hood.
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With: A sermon preached on the anniversary of the Boston Female Society for Destitute Orphans, September 25, 1835 / Jonathan M. Wainwright. Boston : Dutton and Wentworth, 1835.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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On verso: Mrs. (G.S.) Morris, Mrs. (W.H.) Pettee, Mrs. I.N. Demmon, Mrs James B. Angell, Louise Pond, Mrs. Waldron (sister of E.L. Walter), Mrs. Harry Hutchins, Mrs. M.L. D'Ooge, Mrs. Elisha Jones, Mrs. Warren P. Lombard, Mrs. B.A. Hinsdale, Mrs. Palmer
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Translation of: Lejbe i Sióra.
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Il presente elaborato finale presenta un'analisi del genere letterario "romanzo storico" e delle sue ambiguità. Mi propongo di comprendere meglio questo genere attraverso la proposta di traduzione dall'inglese all'italiano del capitolo 9 del romanzo storico Radio Girls di Sarah-Jane Stratford. Alla presentazione dell'autore e dell'opera, segue un breve excursus storico sulle tappe principali nella storia di questo genere, un'analisi delle sue principali caratteristiche e delle problematiche traduttive connesse a questo ramo letterario. La parte più significativa dell'elaborato si concentra nell'analisi e nella traduzione del testo, con successivo commento alla traduzione, dove sono esposte e giustificate le strategie traduttive adottate per la risoluzione di passaggi critici e la scelta di una soluzione finale.
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In the latter half of the nineteenth century the railway became an emblem of technological advancement, stood for the improvement and progression of European life, and became a recognizable symbol for the achievements of governments and citizens. The implementation and use of the railway became closely linked with notions of national identity and character. The railway became an identifiable artefact in official history but at the same time it became a part of everyday life. Richard Flanagan’s Gould’s Book of Fish retells the life-story of a fictionalized convict sent to Sarah Island and who paints fish, eventually he metamorphoses into one. It could be thought that a novel set in convict times would have little to do with notions of national identity, technological advancement, and railway travel. However, Richard Flanagan, in this very complex, almost surreal, novel, has used the construction of a fictional national railway as one of the ways to explore Australia's complex relationship with history and space. The novel tells of the plans of a history-loving Commandant and his desire to build a national railway on Sarah Island. This paper explores how Sarah Island becomes a metonym for Australia as a whole and Flanagan's novel takes on a metaphysical dimension as he reveals the struggles that emerge when official history collides with non-official versions. The fabulations of the novel contribute to an historical reconstruction of the spatial/architectural history of the Tasmanian colonial project.
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The concept of ‘sustainability’ has been pushed to the forefront of policy-making and politics as the world wakes up to the impacts of climate change and the effects of the rapid urbanisation and modern urban lifestyles (Yigitcanlar and Teriman 2014). Climate change and fossil fuel-based energy policy have emerged as the biggest challenges for our planet, threatening both built and natural systems with long-term consequences. However, the threats are not limited to the impacts of climate change and unsustainable energy system only – e.g., impacts of rapid urbanisation, socioeconomic crises and governance hiccups are just to name a few (Yigitcanlar 2010a). Along with these challenges, successfully coping with the enormous transformations that our cities, societies and the environment have been going through during the last few decades, and their...
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Peter S. Menell and Sarah M. Tran (ed.), Intellectual Property, Innovation and the Environment, Cheltenham (UK) and Northampton (MA): Edward Elgar, 2014, 756 pp Hardback 978 1 78195 160 6, http://www.e-elgar.com/bookentry_main.lasso?id=15063 There has been a longstanding deadlock over intellectual property and clean technologies in international climate talks. The United States — and other developed countries such as Japan, Denmark Germany, the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand — have pushed for stronger and longer protection of intellectual property rights related to clean technologies. BASIC countries — such as Brazil, South Africa, India, and China — have pushed for greater flexibilities in respect of intellectual property for the purpose of addressing climate change and global warming. Small island states, least developed countries, and nations vulnerable to climate change have called for climate-adaptation and climate-mitigation technologies to be available in the public domain. In the lead-up to the United Nations Climate Summit in New York on the 23rd September 2014, it is timely to consider the debate over intellectual property, innovation, the environment, and climate change.
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Background The Global Burden of Disease Study 2013 (GBD 2013) aims to bring together all available epidemiological data using a coherent measurement framework, standardised estimation methods, and transparent data sources to enable comparisons of health loss over time and across causes, age–sex groups, and countries. The GBD can be used to generate summary measures such as disability-adjusted life-years (DALYs) and healthy life expectancy (HALE) that make possible comparative assessments of broad epidemiological patterns across countries and time. These summary measures can also be used to quantify the component of variation in epidemiology that is related to sociodemographic development. Methods We used the published GBD 2013 data for age-specific mortality, years of life lost due to premature mortality (YLLs), and years lived with disability (YLDs) to calculate DALYs and HALE for 1990, 1995, 2000, 2005, 2010, and 2013 for 188 countries. We calculated HALE using the Sullivan method; 95% uncertainty intervals (UIs) represent uncertainty in age-specific death rates and YLDs per person for each country, age, sex, and year. We estimated DALYs for 306 causes for each country as the sum of YLLs and YLDs; 95% UIs represent uncertainty in YLL and YLD rates. We quantified patterns of the epidemiological transition with a composite indicator of sociodemographic status, which we constructed from income per person, average years of schooling after age 15 years, and the total fertility rate and mean age of the population. We applied hierarchical regression to DALY rates by cause across countries to decompose variance related to the sociodemographic status variable, country, and time. Findings Worldwide, from 1990 to 2013, life expectancy at birth rose by 6·2 years (95% UI 5·6–6·6), from 65·3 years (65·0–65·6) in 1990 to 71·5 years (71·0–71·9) in 2013, HALE at birth rose by 5·4 years (4·9–5·8), from 56·9 years (54·5–59·1) to 62·3 years (59·7–64·8), total DALYs fell by 3·6% (0·3–7·4), and age-standardised DALY rates per 100 000 people fell by 26·7% (24·6–29·1). For communicable, maternal, neonatal, and nutritional disorders, global DALY numbers, crude rates, and age-standardised rates have all declined between 1990 and 2013, whereas for non–communicable diseases, global DALYs have been increasing, DALY rates have remained nearly constant, and age-standardised DALY rates declined during the same period. From 2005 to 2013, the number of DALYs increased for most specific non-communicable diseases, including cardiovascular diseases and neoplasms, in addition to dengue, food-borne trematodes, and leishmaniasis; DALYs decreased for nearly all other causes. By 2013, the five leading causes of DALYs were ischaemic heart disease, lower respiratory infections, cerebrovascular disease, low back and neck pain, and road injuries. Sociodemographic status explained more than 50% of the variance between countries and over time for diarrhoea, lower respiratory infections, and other common infectious diseases; maternal disorders; neonatal disorders; nutritional deficiencies; other communicable, maternal, neonatal, and nutritional diseases; musculoskeletal disorders; and other non-communicable diseases. However, sociodemographic status explained less than 10% of the variance in DALY rates for cardiovascular diseases; chronic respiratory diseases; cirrhosis; diabetes, urogenital, blood, and endocrine diseases; unintentional injuries; and self-harm and interpersonal violence. Predictably, increased sociodemographic status was associated with a shift in burden from YLLs to YLDs, driven by declines in YLLs and increases in YLDs from musculoskeletal disorders, neurological disorders, and mental and substance use disorders. In most country-specific estimates, the increase in life expectancy was greater than that in HALE. Leading causes of DALYs are highly variable across countries. Interpretation Global health is improving. Population growth and ageing have driven up numbers of DALYs, but crude rates have remained relatively constant, showing that progress in health does not mean fewer demands on health systems. The notion of an epidemiological transition—in which increasing sociodemographic status brings structured change in disease burden—is useful, but there is tremendous variation in burden of disease that is not associated with sociodemographic status. This further underscores the need for country-specific assessments of DALYs and HALE to appropriately inform health policy decisions and attendant actions.
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