955 resultados para Internally displaced persons


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This article examines the steps by which asylum and the rights of refugees were remade in France after the Liberation. The legacy of the pre-1940 period, in which exclusive practices such as legislative prohibitions on refugees, expulsion and internment were the norm, resulted in the need, after the war, to restate and reaffirm republican prin- ciples. The article will examine the ideological assumptions that lay behind the postwar asylum debate, and address why it was necessary to place asylum so firmly within republican political culture

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Quando a II Guerra Mundial chegou ao fim, calcula-se que havia até 40 milhões de europeus deslocados de seu local de origem. Inicialmente, coube à Agência das Nações Unidas para Auxílio e Restabelecimento (ANUAR) repatriar essas pessoas. Diante da crescente resistência de muitas em retornar para casa, foi criada pela ONU a Organização Internacional de Refugiados (OIR). De 1947 a 1951, quando foi substituída pelo ACNUR, foi responsável por reassentar mais de 1 milhão de pessoas em diferentes países. O Brasil foi um deles. Diante deste quadro, a presente dissertação busca compreender, em primeiro lugar, a construção do maquinário internacional de proteção de refugiados surgido no pós-guerra no âmbito da ONU. Em seguida, analisar de que maneira o Brasil se inseriu nele. Qual o papel que teve na criação do regime? Quais interesses tinha em vista ao receber os refugiados? São algumas das perguntas para as quais o presente estudo procurou encontrar respostas.

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This article proposes to analyze the results of a research conducted in the São Paulo Immigrants Memorial, whose purpose was to work with an agreement between the state of São Paulo and the Union, according to which the state committed itself to receive, from May 1947 to 1952, immigrants of different European nationalities. Such immigrants had a specific characteristic that conferred them a peculiar status in the eyes of the United Nations, given the fact that they originated from Germany and Austria and where either displaced persons or refugees who could not or did not want to return to their homelands, for several reasons. Italians represented only 0,12% of this group. Italian immigration to Brazil became significant only after 1950, due to the Brazil-Italy immigration agreements.

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En la primera parte de esta indagación histórica se explora la imagen de los sobrevivientes en la sociedad general, con el trasfondo de la política inmigratoria argentina del peronismo entre 1946-50 que discriminaba a los refugiados judíos; después se indaga el lugar de la ayuda a esos sobrevivientes dentro de las prioridades de la comunidad judía organizada. Finalmente, se aborda un aspecto aún no investigado: el esfuerzo solitario de sus familiares residentes en Argentina para procurar, de organizaciones locales comunitarias e internacionales judías, el ingreso y socorro a los sobrevivientes que fueron localizados en los campos de personas desplazadas (DPs) y en otros lugares de Europa. Además se explora el impacto y memoria de la Shoa en los esfuerzos de reconstitución comunitaria a nivel institucional y educativa de la Kheila de Buenos Aires, realizados durante los primeros años de posguerra cuando la ayuda a los sobrevivientes que empezaban a arribar a Argentina quedó librada a la solitaria solidaridad de sus familiares locales y de asociaciones de coterráneos. Dada su extensión, aquí se publica la primera parte de este trabajo, el cual será completado en el número siguiente

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Conflicts force millions of people to abandon their homes and flee life-threatening persecution, war, and ethnic and political discrimination. From the end of World War II to the present day, more than 59 million people worldwide have become refugees and displaced persons. Displacement affects people's health, psychological well-being and economic welfare.

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World War II profoundly impacted Florida. The military geography of the State is essential to an understanding the war. The geostrategic concerns of place and space determined that Florida would become a statewide military base. Florida's attributes of place such as climate and topography determined its use as a military academy hosting over two million soldiers, nearly 15 percent of the GI Army, the largest force the US ever raised. One-in-eight Floridians went into uniform. Equally, Florida's space on the planet made it central for both defensive and offensive strategies. The Second World War was a war of movement, and Florida was a major jump off point for US force projection world-wide, especially of air power. Florida's demography facilitated its use as a base camp for the assembly and engagement of this military power. In 1940, less than two percent of the US population lived in Florida, a quiet, barely populated backwater of the United States. But owing to its critical place and space, over the next few years it became a 65,000 square mile training ground, supply dump, and embarkation site vital to the US war effort. Because of its place astride some of the most important sea lanes in the Atlantic World, Florida was the scene of one of the few Western Hemisphere battles of the war. The militarization of Florida began long before Pearl Harbor. The pre-war buildup conformed to the US strategy of the war. The strategy of theUS was then (and remains today) one of forward defense: harden the frontier, then take the battle to the enemy, rather than fight them in North America. The policy of "Europe First," focused the main US war effort on the defeat of Hitler's Germany, evaluated to be the most dangerous enemy. In Florida were established the military forces requiring the longest time to develop, and most needed to defeat the Axis. Those were a naval aviation force for sea-borne hostilities, a heavy bombing force for reducing enemy industrial states, and an aerial logistics train for overseas supply of expeditionary campaigns. The unique Florida coastline made possible the seaborne invasion training demanded for US victory. The civilian population was employed assembling mass-produced first-generation container ships, while Floridahosted casualties, Prisoners-of-War, and transient personnel moving between the Atlantic and Pacific. By the end of hostilities and the lifting of Unlimited Emergency, officially on December 31, 1946, Floridahad become a transportation nexus. Florida accommodated a return of demobilized soldiers, a migration of displaced persons, and evolved into a modern veterans' colonia. It was instrumental in fashioning the modern US military, while remaining a center of the active National Defense establishment. Those are the themes of this work.

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This dissertation studies refugee resettlement in the United States utilizing the Integration Indicator’s framework developed by Ager and Strang for the U.S. context. The study highlights the U.S. refugee admissions program and the policies in the states of Maryland and Massachusetts while analyzing the service delivery models and its effects on refugee integration in these locations. Though immigration policy and funding for refugee services are primarily the domain of the federal government, funds are allocated through and services are delivered at the state level. The Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR), which operates under the Department of Health and Human Services, was established after the Refugee Act of 1980 to deliver assistance to displaced persons. The ORR provides funds to individual states primarily through The Refugee Social Service and Targeted Assistance Formula Grant programs. Since the inauguration of the ORR three primary models of refugee integration through service delivery have emerged. Two of the models include the publicly/privately administered programs, where resources are allocated to the state in conjunction with private voluntary agencies; and the Wilson/Fish Alternative programs, where states sub-contract all elements of the resettlement program to voluntary agencies and private organizations —in which they can cease all state level participation and voluntary agencies or private organizations contract directly from the ORR in order for all states to deliver refugee services where the live. The specific goals of this program are early employment and economic self-sufficiency. This project utilizes US Census, state, and ORR data in conjunction with interviews of refugee resettlement practitioners involved in the service delivery and refugees. The findings show that delivery models emphasizing job training, English instruction courses, institutional collaboration, and monetary assistance, increases refugee acclimation and adaptation, providing insight into their potential for integration into the United States.

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World War II profoundly impacted Florida. The military geography of the State is essential to an understanding the war. The geostrategic concerns of place and space determined that Florida would become a statewide military base. Florida’s attributes of place such as climate and topography determined its use as a military academy hosting over two million soldiers, nearly 15 percent of the GI Army, the largest force theUS ever raised. One-in-eight Floridians went into uniform. Equally,Florida’s space on the planet made it central for both defensive and offensive strategies. The Second World War was a war of movement, and Florida was a major jump off point forUSforce projection world-wide, especially of air power. Florida’s demography facilitated its use as a base camp for the assembly and engagement of this military power. In 1940, less than two percent of the US population lived in Florida, a quiet, barely populated backwater of the United States.[1] But owing to its critical place and space, over the next few years it became a 65,000 square mile training ground, supply dump, and embarkation site vital to the US war effort. Because of its place astride some of the most important sea lanes in the Atlantic World,Florida was the scene of one of the few Western Hemisphere battles of the war. The militarization ofFloridabegan long before Pearl Harbor. The pre-war buildup conformed to theUSstrategy of the war. The strategy of theUS was then (and remains today) one of forward defense: harden the frontier, then take the battle to the enemy, rather than fight them inNorth America. The policy of “Europe First,” focused the main US war effort on the defeat of Hitler’sGermany, evaluated to be the most dangerous enemy. In Florida were established the military forces requiring the longest time to develop, and most needed to defeat the Axis. Those were a naval aviation force for sea-borne hostilities, a heavy bombing force for reducing enemy industrial states, and an aerial logistics train for overseas supply of expeditionary campaigns. The unique Florida coastline made possible the seaborne invasion training demanded for USvictory. The civilian population was employed assembling mass-produced first-generation container ships, while Floridahosted casualties, Prisoners-of-War, and transient personnel moving between the Atlantic and Pacific. By the end of hostilities and the lifting of Unlimited Emergency, officially on December 31, 1946, Floridahad become a transportation nexus. Florida accommodated a return of demobilized soldiers, a migration of displaced persons, and evolved into a modern veterans’ colonia. It was instrumental in fashioning the modern US military, while remaining a center of the active National Defense establishment. Those are the themes of this work. [1] US Census of Florida 1940. Table 4 – Race, By Nativity and Sex, For the State. 14.

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It is certain that there will be changes in environmental conditions across the globe as a result of climate change. Such changes will require the building of biological, human and infrastructure resilience. In some instances the building of such resilience will be insufficient to deal with extreme changes in environmental conditions and legal frameworks will be required to provide recognition and support for people dislocated because of environmental change. Such dislocation may occur internally within the country of original origin or externally into another State’s territory. International and national legal frameworks do not currently recognise or assist people displaced as a result of environmental factors including displacement occurring as a result of climate change. Legal frameworks developed to deal with this issue will need to consider the legal rights of those people displaced and the legal responsibilities of those countries required to respond to such displacement. The objective of this article is to identify the most suitable international institution to host a program addressing climate displacement. There are a number of areas of international law that are relevant to climate displacement, including refugee law, human rights law and international environmental law. These regimes, however, were not designed to protect people relocating as a result of environmental change. As such, while they indirectly may be of relevance to climate displacement, they currently do nothing to directly address this complex issue. In order to determine the most appropriate institution to address and regulate climate displacement, it is imperative to consider issues of governance. This paper seeks to examine this issue and determine whether it is preferable to place climate displacement programs into existing international legal frameworks or whether it is necessary to regulate this area in an entirely new institution specifically designed to deal with the complex and cross-cutting issues surrounding the topic. Commentators in this area have proposed three different regulatory models for addressing climate displacement. These models include: (a) Expand the definition of refugee under the Refugee Convention to encompass persons displaced by climate change; (b) Implement a new stand alone Climate Displacement Convention; and (c) Implement a Climate Displacement Protocol to the UNFCCC. This article will examine each of these proposed models against a number of criteria to determine the model that is most likely to address the needs and requirements of people displaced by climate change. It will also identify the model that is likely to be most politically acceptable and realistic for those countries likely to attract responsibilities by its implementation. In order to assess whether the rights and needs of the people to be displaced are to be met, theories of procedural, distributive and remedial justice will be used to consider the equity of the proposed schemes. In order to consider the most politically palatable and realistic scheme, reference will be made to previous state practice and compliance with existing obligations in the area. It is suggested that the criteria identified by this article should underpin any future climate displacement instrument.

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Background. Beginning September 2, 2005, San Antonio area shelters received approximately 12,700 evacuees from Hurricane Katrina. Two weeks later, another 12,000 evacuees from Hurricane Rita arrived. By mid-October, 2005, the in-shelter population was 1,000 people. There was concern regarding the potential for spread of infectious diseases in the shelter. San Antonio Metropolitan Health District (SAMHD) established a syndromic surveillance system with Comprehensive Health Services (CHS) who provided on-site health care. CHS was in daily contact with SAMHD to report symptoms of concern until the shelter closed December 23, 2005. ^ Study type. The objective of this study was to assess the methods used and describe the practical considerations involved in establishing and managing a syndromic surveillance system, as established by the SAMHD in the long-term shelter clinic maintained by CHS for the hurricane evacuees. ^ Methods. Information and descriptive data used in this study was collected from multiple sources, primarily from the San Antonio Metropolitan Health District’s 2006 Report on Syndromic Surveillance of a Long-Term Shelter by Hausler & Rohr-Allegrini. SAMHD and CHS staff ensured that each clinic visit was recorded by date, demographic information, chief complaint and medical disposition. Logs were obtained daily and subsequently entered into a Microsoft Access database and analyzed in Excel. ^ Results. During a nine week period, 4,913 clinic visits were recorded, reviewed and later analyzed. Repeat visits comprised 93.0% of encounters. Chronic illnesses contributed to 21.7% of the visits. Approximately 54.0% were acute care encounters. Of all encounters, 17.3% had infectious disease potential as primarily gastrointestinal and respiratory syndromes. Evacuees accounted for 86% and staff 14% of all visits to the shelter clinic. There were 782 unduplicated individuals who sought services at the clinic, comprised of 63% (496) evacuees and 36% (278) staff members. Staff were more likely to frequent the clinic but for fewer visits each. ^ Conclusion. The presence of health care services and syndromic surveillance provided the opportunity to recognize, document and intervene in any disease outbreak at this long-term shelter. Constant vigilance allowed SAMHD to inform and reassure concerned people living and working in the shelter and living outside the shelter.^

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The accuracy of data derived from linked-segment models depends on how well the system has been represented. Previous investigations describing the gait of persons with partial foot amputation did not account for the unique anthropometry of the residuum or the inclusion of a prosthesis and footwear in the model and, as such, are likely to have underestimated the magnitude of the peak joint moments and powers. This investigation determined the effect of inaccuracies in the anthropometric input data on the kinetics of gait. Toward this end, a geometric model was developed and validated to estimate body segment parameters of various intact and partial feet. These data were then incorporated into customized linked-segment models, and the kinetic data were compared with that obtained from conventional models. Results indicate that accurate modeling increased the magnitude of the peak hip and knee joint moments and powers during terminal swing. Conventional inverse dynamic models are sufficiently accurate for research questions relating to stance phase. More accurate models that account for the anthropometry of the residuum, prosthesis, and footwear better reflect the work of the hip extensors and knee flexors to decelerate the limb during terminal swing phase.

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Purpose: To evaluate the on-road driving performance of persons with homonymous hemianopia or quadrantanopia in comparison to age-matched controls with normal visual fields. Methods: Participants were 22 hemianopes and eight quadrantanopes (mean age 53 years) and 30 persons with normal visual fields (mean age 52 years) and were either current drivers or aiming to resume driving. All participants completed a battery of tests of vision (ETDRS visual acuity, Pelli-Robson letter contrast sensitivity, Humphrey visual fields), cognitive tests (trials A and B, Mini Mental State Examination, Digit Symbol Substitution) and an on-road driving assessment. Driving performance was assessed in a dual-brake vehicle with safety monitored by a certified driving rehabilitation specialist. Backseat evaluators masked to the clinical characteristics of participants independently rated driving performance along a 22.7 kilometre route involving urban and interstate driving. Results: Seventy-three per cent of the hemianopes, 88 per cent of quadrantanopes and all of the drivers with normal fields received safe driving ratings. Those hemianopic and quadrantanopic drivers rated as unsafe tended to have problems with maintaining appropriate lane position, steering steadiness and gap judgment compared to controls. Unsafe driving was associated with slower visual processing speed and impairments in contrast sensitivity, visual field sensitivity and executive function. Conclusions: Our findings suggest that some drivers with hemianopia or quadrantanopia are capable of safe driving performance, when compared to those of the same age with normal visual fields. This finding has important implications for the assessment of fitness to drive in this population.