998 resultados para Industrial Location
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2009年度調査研究報告書
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Measures have been developed to understand tendencies in the distribution of economic activity. The merits of these measures are in the convenience of data collection and processing. In this interim report, investigating the property of such measures to determine the geographical spread of economic activities, we summarize the merits and limitations of measures, and make clear that we must apply caution in their usage. As a first trial to access areal data, this project focus on administrative areas, not on point data and input-output data. Firm level data is not within the scope of this article. The rest of this article is organized as follows. In Section 2, we touch on the the limitations and problems associated with the measures and areal data. Specific measures are introduced in Section 3, and applied in Section 4. The conclusion summarizes the findings and discusses future work.
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Spatial data are being increasingly used in a wide range of disciplines, a fact that is clearly reflected in the recent trend to add spatial dimensions to the conventional social sciences. Economics is by no means an exception. On one hand, spatial data are indispensable to many branches of economics such as economic geography, new economic geography, or spatial economics. On the other hand, macroeconomic data are becoming available at more and more micro levels, so that academics and analysts take it for granted that they are available not only for an entire country, but also for more detailed levels (e.g. state, province, and even city). The term ‘spatial economics data’ as used in this report refers to any economic data that has spatial information attached. This spatial information can be the coordinates of a location at best or a less precise place name as is used to describe administrative units. Obviously, the latter cannot be used without a map of corresponding administrative units. Maps are therefore indispensible to the analysis of spatial economic data without absolute coordinates. The aim of this report is to review the availability of spatial economic data that pertains specifically to Laos and academic studies conducted on such data up to the present. In regards to the availability of spatial economic data, efforts have been made to identify not only data that has been made available as geographic information systems (GIS) data, but also those with sufficient place labels attached. The rest of the report is organized as follows. Section 2 reviews the maps available for Laos, both in hard copy and editable electronic formats. Section 3 summarizes the spatial economic data available for Laos at the present time, and Section 4 reviews and categorizes the many economic studies utilizing these spatial data. Section 5 give examples of some of the spatial industrial data collected for this research. Section 6 provides a summary of the findings and gives some indication of the direction of the final report due for completion in fiscal 2010.
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Since the introduction of the Doi Moi ('renovation') economic reform in 1986, Vietnam has experienced a transformation of its economic management, from a central planning economy to a market-oriented economy. High economic growth, created by the liberalization of activities in all sectors of the economy, has changed the economic structure of the country, and the once agriculture-based and poverty-stricken land now generates a midlevel income and possesses many industrial bases. Economic growth has also changed the landscape of the country. Business complexes have been built in metropolises like Ho Chi Minh City and Hanoi, and rice fields have been converted into industrial zones. As the number of enterprises increased, areas began to emerge where many enterprises agglomerated. Some of these 'clusters' were groups of cottage industry households, while many others were large-scale industrial clusters. As Porter [1998] argues, industrial clusters are the source of a nation's 'competitive advantage'. McCarty et al. [2005] indicate that in some key industries in Vietnam, some clusters of enterprises have been created, although the degree of agglomeration differs from one industry to another. Using industry census data from 2001, they include dot density maps for the 12 leading manufacturing industries in Vietnam. They show that most of the industries analyzed are clustered either in Hanoi or Ho Chi Minh City (or both). Among these 12 industries, the garments industry has the greatest tendency to cluster, followed by textile, rice, seafood, and paper industries. The fact that industrial clusters have begun to form in some areas could be a positive sign for Vietnam's future economic development. What is lacking in McCarty et al. [2005], however, is the identification of the participants in the industrial clusters. Some argue for the importance of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in Vietnam's economic development (e.g. Nguyen Tri Thanh [2007], Tran Tien Cuong et al. [2008]), while others stress the impact of foreign direct investments (FDI) (for example, Tuan Bui [2009]). Adding information about the participants in the above cluster study (and in other studies of spatial patterns of location of enterprises) may broaden the scope for analysis of economic development in Vietnam. This study aims to reveal the characteristics of industrial clusters in terms of their participants and locations. The findings of the study may provide basic information for evaluating the effects of agglomeration and the robustness of the effects in the industrial clusters in Vietnam. Section 1 describes the characteristics of economic entities in Vietnam such as ownership, size of enterprise, and location. Section 2 examines qualitative aspects of industrial clusters identified in McCarty et al. [2005] and uses information on the size and ownership of clusters. Three key industries (garments, consumer electronics, and motor vehicle) are selected for the study. Section 3 identifies another type of cluster commonly seen in Vietnam, composed of local industries and called 'craft villages'. Many such villages have been developed since the early 1990s. The study points out that some of these villages have become industrialized (or are becoming industrialized) by introducing modern modes of production and by employing thousands of laborers.
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This study has a double objective: to provide foreign colleagues with an insight into the controversy surrounding the international competitiveness of pig iron produced in Bilbao and also to present previously unpublished documentation regarding the European iron industry, which I have retrieved from the historical archive of Credit Lyonnais of Paris. This information includes the costs of Biscayan, French, British, German and Belgium pig iron broken down into five components (iron ore, coke, flux, labour and other costs), which is useful in determining the reasons why the pig iron from Bilbao became less competitive. The article is made up of three parts. Firstly, I will synthesise the controversy surrounding the competitiveness of the Basque iron and steel industry. Then I will present the itemised costs which provide information to illustrate how Biscayan pig iron was not competitive because it was produced with English coal which was more expensive than that consumed by the European factories located "on top of" or near coal seams. The article will finish with a section that, by way of conclusion, explains the comparative advantage and disadvantage of Bilbao, applying the first model of Alfred Weber's Theory of Industrial Location to three technological advances, occurring between the 1860s and 1913 (malleable iron, Bessemer steel and Thomas steel).
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Chiefly tables.
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Includes bibliographical references.
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Cover title.
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Frank H. Cassell, chairman: Martain Wagner, vice chairman.
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Bibliography: leaf 12.
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Report made under Contract no.W 49-129 eng-100 with the Corps of Engineers.
