Turkish-American relations in the post-Cold War era, 1990-2005

This study examines the contours of Turkish-American foreign relations in the post-Cold War era from 1990 to 2005. While providing an interpretive analysis, the study highlights elements of continuity and change and of convergence and divergence in the relationship between Ankara and Washington. Turkey’s encounter with its Kurdish problem at home intertwined with the emergence of an autonomous Kurdish authority in northern Iraq after the Gulf War that left a political vacuum in the region. The main argument of this dissertation is that the Kurdish question has been the central element in shaping and redefining the nature and scope of Turkish-American relations since 1991. This study finds that systemic factors primarily prevail in the early years of the post-Cold War Turkish-American relations, as had been the case during the Cold War era. However, the Turkish parliament’s rejection of the deployment of the U.S. troops in Turkey for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 could not be explained by the primacy of distribution of capabilities in the system. Instead, the role of identity, ideology, norms, and the socialization of agency through interaction and language must be considered. The Justice and Development Party’s ascension to power in 2002 magnified a wider transformation in domestic and foreign politics and reflected changes in Turkey’s own self-perception and the definition of its core interests towards the United States.

The influence of corporate interests on USAID's development agenda: The case of Haiti

This dissertation is an attempt to use the radical political economy approach, which assumes that there is a connection between a state's strategic interests and the interests of dominant multinational corporations (MNCs) located within a state's territory, to explain continuity in the USAID development agenda and lending patterns during the past 30 years of development aid to Haiti. Employing the qualitative method of "process-tracing," my study concludes that the radical political economy approach has an explanatory power when it comes to understanding continuity in the USAID development agenda and lending patterns during the past 30 years of development aid to Haiti. The evidence shows that USAID has implemented in Haiti, from the 1980s through the post-9/11 Washington Consensus period, neoliberal policies that conform to the political economy of US multinational corporations (US MNCs). Contrary to the claim that the USAID-sponsored post-earthquake development paradigm has departed from previous development strategies, the study has shown that USAID has used the occurrence of the January 2010 earthquake tragedy to accelerate in Haiti the implementation of a neoliberal agenda congenial to the business promotion of multinational investors, particularly US multinational corporations. In terms of the way ahead, the study argues for the implementation of a new development approach articulated by a legitimate Haitian state and primarily intended to promote the socioeconomic development of the poorest Haitians.

Constructing threat: How Americans identify economic competitors

China's emergence as an economic powerhouse has often been portrayed as threatening to America's economic strength and to its very identity as "the global hegemon." The media's alarmist response to an economic competitor is familiar to those who remember US-Japanese relations in the 1980s. In order to better understand the basis of American threat perception, this study explores the independent and interactive impact of three variables (perceptions of the Other's capabilities, perceptions of the Other as a threat versus as an opportunity, and perceptions of the Other's political culture) on attitudes toward two different economic competitors (Japan 1977-1995 and China 1985-2011). Utilizing four methods (historical process tracing, public polling data analysis, social scientific experimentation, and content analysis), this study demonstrates that increases in the Other's economic capabilities have a much smaller impact on attitudes than is commonly believed. It further shows that while perceptions of threat/opportunity played a significant role in shaping attitudinal response toward Japan, perceptions of political culture are the most important factor driving attitudes toward China today. This study contributes to a better understanding of how states react to threats and construct negative images of their economic rivals. It also helps to explain the current Sino-American relationship and enables better predictions as to its potential future course. Finally, these findings contribute to cultural explanations of the democratic peace phenomenon and provide a boundary condition (political culture) for the liberal proposition that opportunity ameliorates conflict in the economic realm.^

Women-led community development organizations (CDOs) in Miami-Dade County: A model of community development efforts impacting the economic security of women

Recent studies on the economic status of women in Miami-Dade County (MDC) reveal an alarming rate of economic insecurity and significant obstacles for women to achieve economic security. Consistent barriers to women's economic security affect not only the health and wellbeing of women and their families, but also economic prospects for the community. A key study reveals in Miami-Dade County, "Thirty-nine percent of single female-headed families with at least one child are living at or below the federal poverty level" and "over half of working women do not earn adequate income to cover their basic necessities" (Brion 2009, 1). Moreover, conventional measures of poverty do not adequately capture women's struggles to support themselves and their families, nor do they document the numbers of women seeking basic self-sufficiency. Even though there is lack of accurate data on women in the county, which is a critical problem, there is also a dearth of social science research on existing efforts to enhance women's economic security in Miami-Dade County. My research contributes to closing the information gap by examining the characteristics and strategies of women-led community development organizations (CDOs) in MDC, working to address women's economic insecurity. The research is informed by a framework developed by Marilyn Gittell, who pioneered an approach to study women-led CDOs in the United States. On the basis of research in nine U.S. cities, she concluded that women-led groups increased community participation and "by creating community networks and civic action, they represent a model for community development efforts" (Gittell, et al. 2000, 123). My study documents the strategies and networks of women-led CDOs in MDC that prioritize women's economic security. Their strategies are especially important during these times of economic recession and government reductions in funding towards social services. The focus of the research is women-led CDOs that work to improve social services access, economic opportunity, civic participation and capacity, and women's rights. Although many women-led CDOs prioritize building social infrastructures that promote change, inequalities in economic and political status for women without economic security remain a challenge (Young 2004). My research supports previous studies by Gittell, et al., finding that women-led CDOs in Miami-Dade County have key characteristics of a model of community development efforts that use networking and collaboration to strengthen their broad, integrated approach. The resulting community partnerships, coupled with participation by constituents in the development process, build a foundation to influence policy decisions for social change. In addition, my findings show that women-led CDOs in Miami-Dade County have a major focus on alleviating poverty and economic insecurity, particularly that of women. Finally, it was found that a majority of the five organizations network transnationally, using lessons learned to inform their work of expanding the agency of their constituents and placing the economic empowerment of women as central in the process of family and community development.

Rethinking the national question: Anti-statist discourses within the Kurdish national movement

Why and under what conditions have the Kurds become agents of change in the Middle East in terms of democratization? Why did the Kurds' role as democratic agents become particularly visible in the 1990s? How does the Kurdish movement's turn to democratic discourse affect the political systems of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria? What are the implications of the Kurds' adoption of "democratic discourse" for the transnational aspect of the Kurdish movement? Since the early 1990s, Kurdish national movements in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria have undergone important political and ideological transformations. As a result of the Kurds' growing role in shaping the debates on human rights and democratization in these four countries, the Kurdish national movement has acquired a dual character: an ethno-cultural struggle for the recognition of Kurdish identity, and a democratization movement that seeks to redefine the concepts of governance and citizenship in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. The process transformation has affected relations between the Kurdish movements and their respective central governments in significant ways. On the basis of face-to-face interviews and archival research conducted in Turkey, Iraq and parts of Europe, the present work challenges the current narrative of Kurdish nationalism, which is predominantly drawn from a statist interpretation of Kurdish nationalist goals, and argues instead that the Kurdish question is no longer a problem of statelessness but a problem of democracy in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. The main contributions of this work are three fold. First, the research unfolds the reasons behind the growing emphasis of the Kurdish movement on the concepts of democracy, human rights, and political participation, which started in the early 1990s. Second, the findings challenge the existing scholarship that explains Kurdish nationalism as a problem of statelessness and shifts the focus to the transformative potentials of the Kurdish national movement in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria through a comparative lens. Third, this work explores the complex transnational coordination and negotiations between the Kurdish movements across borders and explains the regional repercussions of this process.

Európa következő állama a független Katalónia?

A 2015. szeptember 27-én Katalóniában lezajlott tartományi parlamenti választások jó alkalmat szolgáltatnak arra, hogy áttekintést adjunk a katalán autonóm közösség aktuális politikai, társadalmi és gazdasági helyzetéről. A cikkben arra a kérdésre keressük a választ, hogy a függetlenségi törekvések milyen aktuálpolitikai, történelmi, jogi és gazdasági érvrendszerrel próbálják meg alátámasztani az elszakadást, és hogy annak mi az objektív valóságtartalma. Hipotézisünk, hogy Katalónia függetlenné válása negatív hatással lenne a régió gazdaságára – ez alól csak egy politikailag és jogilag rendezett (egy átlátható alkotmányreform keretében levezényelt) elszakadás jelenthetne kivételt. A "katalánkérdés" történelmi áttekintését követően megvizsgáljuk a katalán szeparatista mozgalom utóbbi években elért "eredményeit", a 2015. szeptemberi tartományi választásokat, és elemezzük az esetleges függetlenné válás jogi implikációit és gazdasági hatásait.

Turkish Security Policymaking on Nuclear Issues: Conceptualizing Advanced Cooperative Security Strategies

Turkey is a non-nuclear member of a nuclear alliance in a region where nuclear proliferation is of particular concern. As the only North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member that has a border with the Middle East, Turkish officials argue that Turkey cannot solely rely on NATO guarantees in addressing the regional security challenges. However, Turkey has not been able to formulate a security policy that reconciles its quest for independence, its NATO membership, the bilateral relationship with the United States, and regional engagement in the Middle East. This dissertation assesses the strategic implications of Turkey’s perceptions of the U.S./NATO nuclear and conventional deterrence on nuclear issues. It explores three case studies by the process tracing of Turkish policymakers’ nuclear-related decisions on U.S. tactical nuclear weapons deployed in Europe, national air and missile defense, and Iran’s nuclear program. The study finds that the principles of Turkish security policymaking do not incorporate a fundamentally different reasoning on nuclear issues than conventional deterrence. Nuclear weapons and their delivery systems do not have a defining role in Turkish security and defense strategy. The decisions are mainly guided by non-nuclear considerations such as Alliance politics, modernization of the domestic defense industry, and regional influence. The dissertation argues that Turkey could formulate more effective and less risky security policies on nuclear issues by emphasizing the cooperative security approaches within the NATO Alliance over confrontational measures. The findings of this dissertation reveal that a major transformation of Turkish security policymaking is required to end the crisis of confidence with NATO, redefinition of the strategic partnership with the US, and a more cautious approach toward the Middle East. The dissertation argues that Turkey should promote proactive measures to reduce, contain, and counter risks before they develop into real threats, as well as contribute to developing consensual confidence-building measures to reduce uncertainty.

Van-e élet az EU-n túl? (Az Egyesült Királyság EU-tagságának alternatívái)

A tanulmány azt vizsgálja, hogy az Egyesült Királyság milyen lehetőségek közül választhat, ha kilépne az Európai Unióból. David Cameron 2013. elején kilátásba helyezte, hogy újraválasztása esetén 2017-ben népszavazást ír ki országa EU-tagságáról. A téma igen aktuális, mégis az tapasztalható, hogy legtöbbször csak az EU-tagság hátrányáról esik szó, nem pedig a kilépés utáni konkrét következményekről. Az EU-tagság alternatíváinak elemzése ezt a hiányosságot próbálja meg pótolni. Két nagy csoportra lehet bontani ezeket:egyrészt a létező (norvég, svájci, török modell), másrészt a nem létező, csak elképzelt alternatívákra (AEA, NAFTA, EU+1, Commonwealth, WTO). A tanulmány végére kiderül, hogy a lehetőségek számos olyan problémával rendelkeznek, amelyeket EU-tagként nem lehet érzékelni. Így az is előfordulhat, hogy a kevésbé népszerű EU-tagság is előnyösebb lehet, mint a kilépés utáni alternatívák. Az elemzés mindenki számára hasznos lehet, akik az EU-n kívüli élet dilemmáit szeretnék jobban megérteni.

Az Európai Unió és a liberális eszmerendszer

A tanulmány célja: bemutatni, hogy a liberális eszmerendszer nem a bukáshoz, hanem egy mérföldkőhöz érkezett a neoliberalizmus korszakának lezárultával. A dolgozat képet ad az eszmerendszer múlt- és jelenbeli dilemmáiról, megoldandó feladatairól és válaszairól. Az Európai Unió pénzügyi és gazdasági válságát politikai válság is kíséri, amelyből egyelőre nem talál kiutat. Az írás bemutatja: mind az Uniónak, mind a liberalizmusnak van jövője, és válságaik kezelésében kölcsönösen segíthetik egymást. Mindhárom eszmerendszer – a konzervatív, a szociáldemokrata és a liberális – újragondolásra szorul. A szerző a liberalizmus újragondolására koncentrál, és bemutatja, hogy az eszmerendszer alapértékeihez való visszatérés, valamint azok gyakorlatban való alkalmazása az Európai Unió válságkezelése szempontjából kulcskérdés.

World architecture 1900-2000 : A critical mosaic : Southeast Asia and Oceania [Volume 10]

"World Architecture records the major architectural contributions made in all regions of the world to the development of human culture. Grouped into 10 geographical regions and representing five twenty-year-periods, the buildings have been selected by approximately 80 eminent international architectural critics. Each volume contains 100 buildings from one particular region, each object accompanied by an analytical text as well as by drawings and photographs. Introduction essays by the general editor, Kenneth Frampton, and the editor(s) of each volume complete the survey. The series comprises 10 volumes. The books are handsome, linen-bound and stitched, generously formatted (21,5 x 28,5 cm/8,4 x 11 inches) and contain approx. 300 pages and 400 colour prints each. This unique project gives the most precise and authoritative description of 1000 of the century's most notable buildings. Countries: Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, The Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam and Australia, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, and Oceania."

Thinking about Australia and its location in the modern world in the Australian Curriculum : history

The first national history curriculum is being implemented in Australia from 2013. As with the curriculums of other nations, this curriculum has evolved in response to a range of factors and its merits continue to be debated. In critiquing the sort of history education approach encapsulated in the new curriculum, I discuss some of the contextual factors and debates that have shaped the Australian Curriculum: History v0.3 (ACARA, 2012). In doing so, I also explore some of the recent international literature on how students think and learn about history in the classroom. In the third and final part of the paper, I raise some logistical issues and also question how students might engage with the notion of Australia as a nation in the modern world rapidly reshaped by the transformations occurring in Asia and share some concerns about the curriculum’s ‘world history approach’ for Year 10.

OCIS and Beyond: International Relations in Australia: Introduction

The Oceanic Conference for International Studies (OCIS) has grown from a small, mostly Australian and New Zealand, affair to an international biennial gathering of scholars from North America, Europe, Asia and the Pacific. Established by a small organising committee drawn from universities across Australia and New Zealand, the principal aim of OCIS was to bring together the Oceanic International Relations (IR) community in an organic and inclusive fashion. There would be no secretariat, minimal bureaucracy, costs would be kept as low as possible, and assistance provided to graduate students. The first OCIS, held at the Australian National University in 2004, proved more successful than the organisers had envisaged. The conference continued to grow at its subsequent meetings at the University of Melbourne (2006) and the University of Queensland (2008). With each conference, a new organising committee was established to take carriage of OCIS. At the 2008 meeting, the question of creating a permanent organising meeting and beginning the transition towards a professional association was discussed in detail. If the transition happens at all, it will be gradual, organic, inclusive, and will prioritise the maintenance of the sense of community OCIS has helped establish. Whilst OCIS itself has flourished, associated initiatives such as OCIS working groups and the OCIS newsletter and listserv have withered on the vine, confirming the original organising committee’s view that endeavours such as this will only prosper to the extent that they are derived and driven from the community as a whole. In 2010, OCIS will hold its first conference in New Zealand, hosted by the University of Auckland...