974 resultados para Grantham, (Ont. :Township) Municipal Council


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This thesis explores the inter-related attempts to secure the legitimation of risk and democracy with regard to Bt cotton, a genetically modified crop, in the state of Andhra Pradesh in India. The research included nine months of ethnographic fieldwork, extensive library and newspaper research, as well as university attendance in India, undertaken between June, 2010 and March, 2011. This comparative study (involving organic, NPM and Bt cotton cultivation) was conducted in three villages in Telangana, a region which was granted secession from Andhra Pradesh in July, 2013, and in Hyderabad, the state capital. Andhra Pradesh is renowned for its agrarian crisis and farmer suicides, as well as for the conflict which Bt cotton represents. This study adopts the categories of legitimation developed by Van Leeuwen (2007; 2008) in order to explore the theory of risk society (Beck, 1992; 1994; 1999; 2009), and the Habermasian (1996: 356-366) core-periphery model as means of theoretically analysing democratic legitimacy. The legitimation of risk and democracy in relation to Bt cotton refers to normative views on the way in which power should be exercised with regard to risk differentiation, construction and definition. The analysis finds that the more legitimate the exercise of power, the lower the exposure to risk as a concern for the collective. This also has consequences for the way in which resources are distributed, knowledge constructed, and democratic praxis institutionalised as a concern for social and epistemic justice. The thesis argues that the struggle to legitimate risk and democracy has implications not only for the constitution of the new state of Telangana and the region’s development, but also for the emergence of global society and the future development of humanity as a whole.

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Relatório de estágio de mestrado, Estudos Regionais e Autárquicos, Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2012

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The fonds includes sixty two items of correspondence between Benjamin Woodruff Price, aka Woodruff, Ben or Uncle, and various family members, both immediate and distant cousins. Also included is business correspondence related to Price’s activities as a watchmaker and/or jeweler. Benjamin Woodruff Price was born in Thorold Township ca. 1831, the son of Joseph Price and Mary Smith. B.W. Price married Ella or Ellen McGlashan (1851-1906) ca. 1868. Price died between 1891 and 1901, his burial location is unknown at present. A watchmaker and jeweler, Price lived most of his life in Fonthill, Ont. He also included auctioneer, undertaker and photographer as some of his other professional activities. His siblings included David Smith Price (wife Isabella Ann), John Smith Price (wife Elizabeth Jane), and sisters Susan Page (husband Edward Rice Page), Jerusha Price, Mary Price and Martha W. Stone (husband Dudley Ward Stone). John Smith Price died 18 April 1860, leaving no descendents. It is likely that G.W. Stone was a nephew to B.W. Price, the son of his sister Martha W. Stone and her husband Dudley Ward Stone. Susan Page was a sister of Benjamin Woodruff Price. She was married to Edward Rice Page and they had at least two children, Joseph and Clayton. At the time of this correspondence they lived in Suspension Bridge, NY, now part of Niagara Falls, New York. Edward Rice Page’s occupation was listed as saloon keeper. The Price family appears to have had a very large extended family. This information was gleaned from the contents of letters of Maggie Tisdale, daughter of Ephraim and Hannah (Price) Tisdale, P.A. or Ann Morgan, [may also be Phebe Ann] of Newark, NY? and Marietta House of Bayham Township. DeWitt Higgins of Suspension Bridge, NY aka Niagara Falls, NY was an auctioneer, specialized in buying jewellery, watches, clocks, from individuals and reselling his product to others like B.W. Price.

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The documents in the collection include the names of families residing in Stamford Township, Welland County, which today is considered Niagara Falls. Some names are: Allan, Barnett, Brokenshaw, Buchanan, Cadham, Clark, Dalton, Dell, Fell, Garner, Hemmings, Kent, Lightbody, Orchard, Perry, Pew, Ross, Street, Thompson, Willox, Willson, Wright. For a more complete list of names consult the finding aid.

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William Van Every, son of McGregory and Mary Wilcox (Jaycocks) Van Every, was born in New York state in 1765. During the Revolutionary War he joined Butler’s Rangers and served under Captain John McDonnell. He was granted three lots of land in the Township of Niagara, with additional lands granted at later dates. William married Elizabeth, daughter of George Young. Elizabeth was the widow of Col. Frederick Dochstader and mother of Catherine Dochstader, b. 1781. William Van Every died in 1832, his wife Elizabeth in 1851. Both are buried in the Warner Cemetery, in present day Niagara Falls. The children of William Van Every and Elizabeth Young were Mary, Elizabeth, Phoebe, John, Peter, William, Rebecca, Samuel and Joseph. Source: Mary Blackadar Piersol, The Records of the Van Every Family, Toronto : Best Printing, 1947. And, Patricia M. Orr, Historic Woodend, sponsored by Niagara Peninsula Conservation Authority, 1980?

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John Willson first came to Upper Canada along with his friend Nathaniel Pettit in the late 1700s. They both moved with their families from New Jersey where they had both been imprisioned for not siding with the rebels and maintaining Loyalist allegiences. Pettit arrived with his four daughters, leaving his son behind. Willson came with his wife and nine children. Willson received 1200 acres of land as well as 200 per child. He settled at the corner of Dorchester road and Thorold Stone Road, where he and his family did very well for themselves. Willson as well as his son Thomas ran ox-teams on the portage. His son John became the proprietor of the Exchange hotel at Niagara, and Charles operated at the Pavilion hotel at Falls View. Shortly after his arrival in Upper Canada John Willson changed his name to “Irish” John Willson, as there were 5 other “John Willsons” which appeared on the Loyalists lists. Irish John drowned in the Niagara River in 1798, and his family continued to thrive in Niagara after his death. His second son Thomas Willson, married Abigail Pettit, daughter of his Father’s friend Nathaniel. Thomas was awarded 250 acres of land as a Loyalist and 200 for Abigail, as she was the daughter of a loyalist. He became a blacksmith and also operated ox-teams along the portage. He was Assessor for Stamford Township for 1800, 1807, 1820 and 1829. During the years 1808, 1822, 1825, 1826 and 1831 he was a tax collector and overseer of Statute of Labour. Thomas and Abigail Willson had nine children together. Francis Bond Head Willson of Beaverdams (mentioned throughout the collection) was a great grandson of Thomas and Abigail. Thomas and his wife are both buried beside the Lundy’s Lane United Church. *for more information on the remaining Willson family please refer to box #1, folders 1-3. * Genealogical information from a paper prepared by Pearl Wilson and given before the Lundy’s Lane Historical Society, May 1945, by Hazel Culp Ferris. Box 1 Folder 1.

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The fonds consists of correspondence, legal documents, a land survey, and newspaper clipping. All items are related to a land dispute concerning lots 15 and 16 in the Township of Niagara, in the County of Lincoln, fronting on the Niagara River at Queenston. This land had been owned by the Wynn family at the time of the dispute.

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A grant of land to Ann Cook of the Township of Crowland. The land is situated in the township of Wainfleet, in the County of Lincoln, in the district of Niagara. Ann Cook is granted 200 acres in lot no. 32 in the 4th concession in Wainfleet. One of the signatures on the document is illegible but other signatures include: Prideaux Selby, auditor general on April 15, 1812. This is the date that the document was entered into the auditor’s office. Isaac Brock has signed in the upper left hand corner as “Isaac Brock President” which refers to the fact that he was President administering the Government of Upper Canada and Major General commanding the forces within the province. It is also signed on the left hand side by John Macdonell (who is buried at Brock’s Monument). At the time, he was the attorney general.

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William Dickson (1799-1877) was the son of the prominent Niagara businessman and politician William Dickson (1769-1846). William was educated in Edinburgh, Scotland, and settled in Galt, Ontario, upon his return to Canada. His father had business affairs in Dumfries and Galt, which he left in his sons charge when he retired to Niagara in 1837. William had an older brother, Robert, and younger brother, Walter, both of whom served in the Militia and became involved in politics.

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Thomas Millard Senior was born in Middlesex, Connecticut, in 1728. He served as a Private with Butler’s Rangers. In July 1784, Thomas and his wife Mary, along with their 4 children, were on a list “to settle and cultivate the lands opposite Niagara”. He took the oath of allegiance at Niagara around 1784-85.

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Catherine (Lemon) Everingham was the widow of James Everingham, a private with the first Battalion of Colo Delancys Regt. of the Jersey Volunteers. He died in the American Revolutionary War in 1796, leaving his wife and two children settled on two hundred acres of land in the Township of Willoughby. No certificate had been awarded to James Everingham for this land. Catherine subsequently petitioned the government to grant her the land that she had settled on with her family.

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Letter to S.D. Woodruff from Fred Holmes stating that he received Mr. Woodruff’s letter and a copy of the motion and resolution of the Municipal Council of Jan. 16, 1858, Jan. 28, 1858.

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RÉSUMÉ FRANÇAIS Ce mémoire fait l’étude du régime de prévention et de sanction des conflits possibles entre les intérêts de la municipalité d’une part et de ceux de ses élus de l’autre. L’objet de recherche est abordé selon une approche historique et éthique basée sur le régime juridique actuel. Le mémoire est divisé en 3 chapitres : (1) la notion de conflit d’intérêts ; (2) le cadre juridique à la base du régime de sanction des conflits d’intérêts et (3) celui sur le régime de prévention des conflits d’intérêts dans le domaine municipal. Le chapitre préliminaire situe l’objet de recherche à l’intérieur des grandes tendances de la recherche juridique sur la question et présente un cadre de réflexion sur la notion de conflit d’intérêts. L’examen des conflits d’intérêts repose avant tout sur un questionnement et sur un jugement de nature subjective : ce qui a été considéré comme un conflit d’intérêts autrefois ne l’est pas nécessairement de nos jours et ce, en dépit du fait que le cadre juridique évolue aussi dans le temps. On ne peut donc pas dégager avec exactitude et pour toujours ce qui constitue un conflit d’intérêts de ce qui n’en constitue pas un. Le chapitre premier est divisé en 4 sections. On y traite notamment de la règle relative à l’interdiction pour un élu municipal de contracter avec la municipalité. On y démontre que l’origine de cette règle remonte aux premières lois municipales du XIXe siècle et que cette dernière a subi assez peu de modifications au fil des ans. La troisième section porte sur les cas de malversation, d’abus de confiance et les autres inconduites prohibées par la Loi sur les élections et référendums dans les municipalités (L.R.Q. c. E-2.2). Une quatrième section sur les accusations criminelles d’abus de confiance et de corruption vient clore le premier chapitre. Chacune de ces sections est abordée notamment en faisant l’historique des dispositions législatives en cause ainsi qu’en faisant certains parallèles avec la législation des autres provinces canadiennes. Le chapitre 2 sur le régime de prévention des conflits d’intérêts est divisé en 4 parties. La première section porte sur l’obligation pour un élu de déclarer annuellement ses intérêts pécuniaires. Cette obligation n’est pas unique au Québec puisqu’elle est présente dans quelques législations provinciales canadiennes. La deuxième section porte sur l’obligation pour cet élu de dénoncer verbalement son intérêt dans une question abordée par le conseil municipal réuni en séance ou en comité. Là encore, l’origine de cette approche préventive est fort ancienne et a longtemps été considéré comme le seul moyen de dénoncer son intérêt sans subir les sanctions prévues par la loi. Une troisième section s’intéresse au cadre juridique entourant les soumissions publiques et qui vise à éliminer toute situation possible de favoritisme ou de patronage. Une quatrième section aborde la question des codes d’éthique et de leur utilité ainsi que les développements récents sur cette question avec le dépôt en 2009 du rapport du Groupe de travail sur l’éthique dans le milieu municipal. Une conclusion vient clore le mémoire en présentant une synthèse de l’étude assortie de commentaires personnels sur les conclusions du Groupe de travail précité.

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Globally, almost every nation is facing some form of water crisis (World Commission on Water 2000). In Australia, the sport and recreation industry is one of the highest consumers of water. Other high water consuming industries (such as agriculture and farming) have been forced to adhere to strict managerial and governance reform due to the water crisis, yet in the sport and recreation industry, such changes are yet to be implemented and fully realised across the sector.

This research examines the impacts of drought and sustainable water management for sport and recreation. Specifically, it provides a case study of sport and recreation provision in a municipality that has already undergone considerable reform due to long-term drought. Sport and recreation use water for purposes such as irrigation of playing fields/pitches, filling swimming pools, stadium amenities and facilities, kitchens, maintenance and cleaning, and clubhouse amenities.

For sports that are heavy users of water for the maintenance of playing fields (such as soccer, Australian Rules football, rugby league, rugby union, grass and clay tennis courts to name a few) the impacts of drought and water restrictions have been severe. Some sports have reported an increase in the risk of injury to participants because of the condition of un-watered playing fields (Sport and Recreation Victoria 2007). Others have been forced to delay or shorten their seasons (Sleeman 2007), or worse still, cancel training and organised competition completely (Connolly and Bell 2007). While the impact of water restrictions has been profound on most sports, there are some sports that are not heavy water users and the impact of drought and water restrictions has been minimal. This problem creates issues and apparent inequities raising the need to further examine water consumption in sport and recreation. The potential outcome that arises is that the future of those sports that cannot conduct their competitions may be disadvantaged, while other sports that do not have such problems may be able to flourish.

Water, and those who control the supply of it, then defines which sports are able to flourish and sustain sport development pathways, compared to those whose survival may be in jeopardy. This research explores the stakeholder management and governance issues that have resulted for sport and recreation in the City of Greater Geelong (CoGG) located in Victoria, Australia--a region in long-term water crisis. The supply of sport and recreation facilities in the CoGG (like most municipalities in Australia) is largely the responsibility of the municipal council. The corporation responsible for the supply of water to the municipality is Barwon Water.

Although other sport and recreation facilities exist in the CoGG, the municipal council of CoGG owns and maintains over 120 sporting ovals (including the stadium used by its professional Australian Football League (AFL) team, the Cats), six swimming pools, and three golf courses. The CoGG host their professional AFL team, a range of local, national and international sport events, and provide a wide range of sport and recreation facilities for the community residents.

Eight interviews were conducted in total. Interviews were conducted with representatives from CoGG municipal council (who are responsible for the delivery of sport and recreation services and facilities in Geelong), and representatives from Barwon Water (who are responsible for the ongoing provision and maintenance of sport and recreation services and facilities) through the provision of water. Results show that the ten highest users of water in the municipality are sport and recreation facilitieswhich between them use almost one-third of the city's total water consumption (City of Greater Geelong 2006).

The municipal council is under considerable pressure to find ways to continue to provide sport and recreation opportunities for community members, as well as professional athletes and teams who use these facilities despite water restrictions. After all, these facilities provide benefit to spectators and participants, as well as businesses that rely on visitors to Geelong for sport and recreation events.

Due to such pressures, from 2007, the CoGG and Barwon Water agreed to provide the sport and recreation sector with water allocations rather than to be denied of all water under the water restriction regimes in place in the municipality. During 2007 summer sport season, this allowed the CoGG to keep 16 of its 120 sporting ovals open for participation through allocating all available water to these fields in order to keep them safe and playable. However, CoGG and Barwon Water were required to devise a rating scale to determine which sports (and sport facilities) were to share the allocated water, and which were not. These decisions also had knock on effects through sports. In order to ensure the safety of the playing surfaces, the CoGG and Barwon Water also restricted use of fields to competition only, therefore sport participants were forced to train on local beaches and other parkland areas-transferring issues of safety and public liability to other locations and facilities in the community. Further, it was reported that scheduling of competition seasons and individual matches; as well as the allocation of "home ground" gate receipts and concessions profits were required to be governed by the CoGG and Barwon Water as the competing sports were unable to agree. Perhaps more importantly, the rating scale developed for water allocation also resulted in some sports being rated as ineligible for water and as a result were unable to stage their entire competitions.

Clearly, the water allocation rating scale, and approach taken in this municipality to the continued delivery of sport and recreation has provided a workable solution. However, this study also signals that new stakeholders have entered the arena for the governance of sport. Governance structures in sport and recreation are being impacted as a result of the water crisis.

Those making decisions about which sport and recreation activities and/or facilities will be assisted with water resources are being made by local councils and water corporations. Sport managers are being required to understand existing areas of knowledge (such as turf management) in different ways, to gain knowledge in new areas (such as sustainable water management), and to lobby new stakeholder groups (such as water corporations) in order to secure their futures. The continued existence of some sports is no longer in the hands of governing bodies, but in the hands of local councils, and water corporations.

Clearly, any of the solutions implemented as discussed above, require multiple stakeholders to interact, and to reach agreement in order to assist in sustainable management of water in sport and recreation. In this sense, the management of water in sport (and all other industries) is more than a rational decision about policy, legislation, restrictions and resource allocations. It is a social and political process requiring scholarly attention for practical solutions.