132 resultados para Fundraising
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The political and bureaucratic discourse surrounding non-profit sector reform is centred on streamlining the regulatory framework. Phrases such as 'one-stop shop','reducing red tape' and 'duplicative, burdensome and unclear requirements' fill press releases, government reports and discussion papers. In this chapter, I examine quantitative measures of the current regulatory compliance burden facing non-profit organisations in Australia as a benchmark for measuring progress over the coming years. I focus on regulatory compliance estimates for four key stages of non-profit enterprise activity non-profit enterprise start-up and registrations; fundraising;grant paperwork; and regulation proportionate to the size of the non-profit enterprise.
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In late 2014, the fifth biennial Educate Plus benchmarking study was conducted to track educational development in Australia and New Zealand. The 2014 survey built upon the four previous studies, which began in 2005. All participants were asked questions regarding institutional information, personal information, salary information and advancement office information. Following this, they could choose to complete at least one of the following sections according to their role/s: fundraising, marketing & communications, alumni & community relations, and admissions.
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Australian fundraisers and their organisational leaders (CEOs and board members) diverge sometimes in how they think about fundraising. In fact, eight key differences emerged in the recent Australian study that sparked this paper. A strong fundraising/leadership accord in attitudes toward fundraising would seem to be important, especially in tightened funding regimes. Both demand and competition for funding beyond the government dollar is growing. Many organisations are moving into community fundraising for the first time due to imperilled government funding. The sophistication of all donation sources is likewise on the rise. These factors add complexity to the fundraising role and to the task of boards and CEOs in managing fundraising strategy and activity. Some variances in professional outlook might be predictable between fundraisers and fundraising organisation leaders. However, the differences found in our study are in areas that potentially affect the organisation’s ability to fill its mission. It is advisable then to ‘mind the gap’ and also to explore it.
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The late twentieth century witnessed the transformation of the global economy beyond the fixed geographic boundaries of the nation-state system to one dominated by financial centers, global markets, and transnational firms. In the two decades to 2011, cross-border philanthropy from OECD Development Assistance Committee (DAC) donor countries to the developing world grew from approximately USD 5 billion to USD 32 billion (OECD, n.d.),[1] with some estimates for 2011 as high as USD 59 billion (Center for Global Prosperity, 2013). This is only part of cross-border philanthropy, which also includes remittances from migrant communities, social-media-enabled global fundraising, and medical research collaborations.
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The 2008 US election has been heralded as the first presidential election of the social media era, but took place at a time when social media were still in a state of comparative infancy; so much so that the most important platform was not Facebook or Twitter, but the purpose-built campaign site my.barackobama.com, which became the central vehicle for the most successful electoral fundraising campaign in American history. By 2012, the social media landscape had changed: Facebook and, to a somewhat lesser extent, Twitter are now well-established as the leading social media platforms in the United States, and were used extensively by the campaign organisations of both candidates. As third-party spaces controlled by independent commercial entities, however, their use necessarily differs from that of home-grown, party-controlled sites: from the point of view of the platform itself, a @BarackObama or @MittRomney is technically no different from any other account, except for the very high follower count and an exceptional volume of @mentions. In spite of the significant social media experience which Democrat and Republican campaign strategists had already accumulated during the 2008 campaign, therefore, the translation of such experience to the use of Facebook and Twitter in their 2012 incarnations still required a substantial amount of new work, experimentation, and evaluation. This chapter examines the Twitter strategies of the leading accounts operated by both campaign headquarters: the ‘personal’ candidate accounts @BarackObama and @MittRomney as well as @JoeBiden and @PaulRyanVP, and the campaign accounts @Obama2012 and @TeamRomney. Drawing on datasets which capture all tweets from and at these accounts during the final months of the campaign (from early September 2012 to the immediate aftermath of the election night), we reconstruct the campaigns’ approaches to using Twitter for electioneering from the quantitative and qualitative patterns of their activities, and explore the resonance which these accounts have found with the wider Twitter userbase. A particular focus of our investigation in this context will be on the tweeting styles of these accounts: the mixture of original messages, @replies, and retweets, and the level and nature of engagement with everyday Twitter followers. We will examine whether the accounts chose to respond (by @replying) to the messages of support or criticism which were directed at them, whether they retweeted any such messages (and whether there was any preferential retweeting of influential or – alternatively – demonstratively ordinary users), and/or whether they were used mainly to broadcast and disseminate prepared campaign messages. Our analysis will highlight any significant differences between the accounts we examine, trace changes in style over the course of the final campaign months, and correlate such stylistic differences with the respective electoral positioning of the candidates. Further, we examine the use of these accounts during moments of heightened attention (such as the presidential and vice-presidential debates, or in the context of controversies such as that caused by the publication of the Romney “47%” video; additional case studies may emerge over the remainder of the campaign) to explore how they were used to present or defend key talking points, and exploit or avert damage from campaign gaffes. A complementary analysis of the messages directed at the campaign accounts (in the form of @replies or retweets) will also provide further evidence for the extent to which these talking points were picked up and disseminated by the wider Twitter population. Finally, we also explore the use of external materials (links to articles, images, videos, and other content on the campaign sites themselves, in the mainstream media, or on other platforms) by the campaign accounts, and the resonance which these materials had with the wider follower base of these accounts. This provides an indication of the integration of Twitter into the overall campaigning process, by highlighting how the platform was used as a means of encouraging the viral spread of campaign propaganda (such as advertising materials) or of directing user attention towards favourable media coverage. By building on comprehensive, large datasets of Twitter activity (as of early October, our combined datasets comprise some 3.8 million tweets) which we process and analyse using custom-designed social media analytics tools, and by using our initial quantitative analysis to guide further qualitative evaluation of Twitter activity around these campaign accounts, we are able to provide an in-depth picture of the use of Twitter in political campaigning during the 2012 US election which will provide detailed new insights social media use in contemporary elections. This analysis will then also be able to serve as a touchstone for the analysis of social media use in subsequent elections, in the USA as well as in other developed nations where Twitter and other social media platforms are utilised in electioneering.
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The Combined Jewish Philanthropies (CJP) of Boston, Massachusetts is the oldest federated Jewish philanthropy in the United States. The current incarnation of CJP was formed in 1960, when two separate federated philanthropies – the Combined Jewish Appeal and Associated Jewish Philanthropies – merged to create a single organization dedicated to serving the needs of Boston’s Jewish community. CJP’s records contain the history of several other organizations, from the forerunners of the current Federation to the Jewish institutions supported by CJP. Their beginnings can be traced to the founding of the United Hebrew Benevolent Association (UHBA) in 1864 at the Pleasant Street Synagogue (now Temple Israel.) This collection contains meeting minutes, correspondence, photographs, scrapbooks, financial documents and ledgers, appeal information, publicity, programs, brochures and other written documents relating CJP’s history.
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This collection contains the papers of Ernest W. Michel, Holocaust Survivor Journalist and public speaker,including clippings of newspaper articles written by and about Michel, correspondence between Michel and many important Jewish and political figures and autograph files, which Michel collected. Many of these files concern Michel’s Holocaust experiences, speaking engagements, the World Gathering of Jewish Holocaust Survivors, and Michel’s work with the United Jewish Appeal.
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The records of the North American Jewish Students Appeal (NAJSA or APPEAL) contains documents on two levels of concern: those documents dealing with the NAJSA as a student-run organization promoting Jewish identity among college-aged youth; and those documents dealing with the APPEAL as a fundraising organization for several well-known student constituent organizations. The Constituents were: the Jewish Student Press Service, Lights in Action, the North American Jewish Students Network, the Progressive Zionist Caucus, Response: A Contemporary Jewish Review, Yavneh Religious Students Organization, and Yugntruf Youth for Yiddish. Documents include correspondence, financial records, minutes, press releases, information on grants awarded to student organizations for programming and publishing, student journals, and newspapers, photographs, and ephemera.
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These records document New York Section’s early history to the present, representing a significant portion of its work in community programming and advocacy, as well as its supporting administrative, fundraising, membership, and public relations activities. As a section of the National Council, its records also include a substantial amount of material regarding the National Organization’s programs, events, publications, and reports, dating from 1896 through 1999.
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The records provide material relating to the accreditation, fundraising, management, planning, policies, programs, and public relations of a hospital that continues to serve the Greater Boston area. The records includes correspondence of various Presidents, Board Members, and Executive Directors; Board and committee minutes; scrapbooks, photographs, videotape, and film created by the Public Relations department; records of various Auxiliary groups; correspondence, reports, surveys, and other documents relating to the Pediatric Rehabilitation Program; and artifacts such as plaques, portraits, and silverware.
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Contains the constitution, by-laws, correspondence, papers, and minutes of the Synagogue Council of America (1935-1958), an incomplete set of the minutes of the Plenum, (1949-1965), the minutes of the Executive Committee (1946-1969), Officers' (Summit) Meetings (1955-1967) and the minutes and reports of the Budget Committee (1946-1966), financial reports and statements for 1942-1965 and fundraising activities (1958-1968).
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The records of Temple Beth El offer a valuable insight into a small town Southern Jewish community. The community members, composed mainly of German Jews devoted to Reform movement, participated actively in charity work and mutual benefit societies, and maintained a close relationship with Jewish communities throughout the South. Contributors to the Southern economy, their synagogue activities often reflect their business interests; a bale of cotton was once used in a fundraising auction. The strength of their Jewish commitment is reflected in their efforts to keep the synagogue active, despite difficulties in hiring and maintaining Rabbis for the pulpit.
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