915 resultados para Free trade agreements


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In the backdrop of issues encountered by the marine product exports from Kerala in the traditional strongholds of the European Union and the United States, there is a need to target newer markets. The ASEAN India Trade in Goods Agreement (TIGA) though proposes to liberalize trade between India and the ASEAN member nations, fails to deliver greater market access for our marine products in the markets of the ASEAN nations. This can be attributed to factors such as the lower prevailing MFN base rate in the ASEAN nations, tariff reduction commitments reciprocated by them being lesser than India’s offers, inclusion of our prominent items of export in the restrictive lists of most of the ASEAN nations etc. Export forecast suggests that this is a market to be reckoned, which in turn stipulates the need to secure greater concessions and preferential treatment for our marine product exports in the ASEAN nations to capitalize on the gains that have been made

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Even though there have been many studies on the impact of trade liberalisation on labour standards, most of the studies are at national level, and there is a lack of research at industry level. This paper examines the impact of free trade on labour standards in capital- and labour-intensive industries in a developing country. For empirical findings, I take the case of the garment industry, representing labour-intensive industry, and automotive industry, representing capital-intensive industry, in Indonesia in the face of ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). Since the garment industry is a women-dominated industry, while the automotive industry is a men-dominated industry, this paper also employs a feminist perspective. As such, this paper also investigates whether free trade equally affects men and women workers. Besides free trade, other independent variables are also taken into account. Employing quantitative and qualitative methods, empirical evidence shows that there is an indication that free trade has a negative relationship with labour standards in the garment industry, whereas a positive relationships with labour standards in the automotive industry. This implies that free trade might result in decreasing labour standards in labour-intensive industry, while increasing standards in capital-intensive industry. It can also be inferred that free trade unequally affect men and women workers, in that women workers bear the brunt of free trade. The results also show that other internal and external independent variables are indicated to have relationships with labour standards in the garment and automotive industries. Therefore, these variables need to be considered in examining the extent of the impact of free trade on labour standards in labour- and capital-intensive industries.

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Given the substantial and increasing encroachment of trade agreements into almost every aspect of economic and social life, there is a pressing need for research that provides a more coherent framework for understanding the source and effectiveness of organised labour ’s power and capacity to influence international trade policy. Taking the union protests against the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) as a case study, this research uses core concepts derived from social movement theory to analyse the opportunities that existed for unions to influence these trade negotiations and their capacity to identify and take advantage of such opportunities. Importantly, it adds a power analysis designed to reveal the sources of power that unions draw on to take action. The research demonstrates that even where unions faced considerable constraints they were able to re-frame trade issues in a way that built broad support for their position and to utilise opportunities in the trade negotiation process to mobilise resistance against the GATS and further liberalisation of services. The theoretical framework developed for the research provides conceptual tools that can be developed for improving strategic campaign planning and for analytical assessment of past campaigns. The theoretical framework developed for this research has potential for further application as an analytical and strategic planning tool for unions.

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A través de una simulación llevada a cabo con GTAP, este documento presenta una evaluación preliminar del impacto potencial que el Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas tendría sobre la Comunidad Andina de Naciones. Mantenido por la Universidad de Purdue, el GTAP es un modelo multiregional de equilibrio general, ampliamente usado para el análisis de temas de economía internacional. El experimento llevado a cabo tiene lugar en un ambiente de competencia perfecta y rendimientos constantes a escala y consiste en la completa eliminación de aranceles a las importaciones de bienes entre los países del Hemisferio Occidental. Los resultados muestran la presencia de modestas pero positivas ganancias netas de bienestar para la Comunidad Andina, generadas fundamentalmente por mejoras en la asignación de recursos. Movimientos desfavorables en los términos de intercambio y el efecto de la desviación de comercio con respecto a terceros países, reducen considerablemente las ganancias potenciales de bienestar. De la misma forma, la existencia de distorsiones económicas al interior de la Comunidad Andina tiene un efecto negativo sobre el bienestar. El patrón de comercio aumenta su grado de concentración en el comercio bilateral con los Estados Unidos y la remuneración real a los factores productivos presenta mejoras con la implementación de la zona de libre comercio.

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This paper sets out to conduct an empirical analysis of the post-Lisbon role of the European Parliament (EP) in the EU’s Common Commercial Policy through an examination of the ‘deep and comprehensive’ bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) currently negotiated as part of the EU’s Global Europe strategy. The EU-Korea and EU-India FTAs are used as case studies in order to determine the implications of the EP’s enhanced trade powers on the processes, actors and outcomes of EU bilateral trade policy. The EP is now endowed with the ‘hard power’ of consent in the ratification phase of FTAs, acting as a threat to strengthen its ‘soft power’ to influence negotiations. The EP is developing strategies to influence the mandate and now plays an important role in the implementation of FTAs. The entry of this new player on the Brussels trade policy field has brought about a shift in the institutional balance of power and opened up the EP as a new point of access for trade policy lobbyists. Finally, increased EP involvement in EU trade policy has brought about a politicisation of EU trade policy and greater normative outcomes of FTAs.

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This paper proposes a broad model for key success factors in Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs). Current literature is relatively limited in its focus on largely economic consequences of RTAs and the externalities are mostly ignored. This model incorporates five predictor dimensions forming the character of a RTA as follows: (1) Economic, (2) Socio-Cultural, (3) Negotiation, (4) Country Objectives and (5) Review process. It proposes a methodology for the empirical testing of the proposed model. The proposed model, potentially, facilitates the measurement of the character of a RTA and its association with various RTA objectives.

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The negotiation and construction of a Regional Trade Agreement (RTA) bears the elements of its future success. The agreement identifies the relative strength of the countries involved and the long-term internal functioning of the agreement. A comparison between the NAFTA and Mercosur RTAs highlights this concept. NAFTA appears to indicate the clear range of possibilities to the US, Canada and Mexico’s participation, each with a chance to maximize their strengths combining a powerful combination of resources and skills required to operationalise the collective benefits. Mercosur includes countries that are mostly at the same level of economic development without any specific catalyst to promote economic growth. The results indicate that association between text and outcomes.