Relationships of impulsivity and physical fighting history to alcohol -induced aggression in women

Research suggests women respond to the aggression-inducing effects of alcohol in a manner similar to men. Highly aggressive men are more prone to alcohol-induced aggression, but this relationship is less clear for women. This study examined whether alcohol consumption would differentially affect laboratory-measured aggression in a sample of aggressive and non-aggressive women and how those differences might be related to components of impulsive behavior. In 39 women recruited from the community (two groups: with and without histories of physical fighting) ages 21–40, laboratory aggressive behavior was assessed following placebo and 0.80 g/kg alcohol consumption (all women experienced both conditions). Baseline laboratory impulsive behavior of three impulsivity models was later assessed in the same women. In the aggression model (PSAP), participants were provoked by periodic subtractions of money, which were blamed on a fictitious partner. Aggression was operationalized as the responses the participant made to subtract money from that partner. The three components of impulsivity that were tested included: (1) response initiation (IMT/DMT), premature responses made prior to the completion of stimulus processing, (2) response inhibition (GoStop), a failure to inhibit an already initiated response, and (3) consequence sensitivity (SKIP and TCIP), the choice for a smaller-sooner reward over a larger-later reward. I hypothesized that, compared to women with no history of physical fighting, women with a history of physical fighting would exhibit higher rates of alcohol-induced laboratory aggression and higher rates of baseline impulsive responding (particularly for the IMT/DMT), which would also be related to the alcohol-induced increases aggression. Consistent with studies in men, the aggressive women showed strong associations between laboratory aggression and self-report measures, while the non-aggressive women did not. However, unlike men, following alcohol consumption it was the non-aggressive women's laboratory aggression that was related to their self-reports of aggression and impulsivity. Additionally, response initiation measures of impulsivity distinguished the two groups, while response inhibition and consequence sensitivity measures did not; commission error rates on the IMT/DMT were higher in the aggressive women compared to the non-aggressive women. Regression analyses of the behavioral measures showed no relationship between the aggression and impulsivity performance of the two groups. These results suggest that the behavioral (and potentially biological) mechanism underlying aggressive behavior of women is different than that of men. ^

The Japanese and Chinese models of industrial organisation : fighting for supremacy in the Vietnamese motorcycle industry

This paper explores the consequences of the emerging rivalry between Japanese and Chinese manufacturers. It focuses specifically on industrial organisation, one of the key factors that underlie the competitiveness of manufacturing industries. The question to be asked is what happens when distinctive models of industrial organisation, coming from Japan and China, clash in a developing country. An in-depth longitudinal analysis of the Vietnamese motorcycle industry adopting a modified version of the global value chain governance theory shows that a decade-long industrial transformation resulted in organisational diversity. The implications of the analysis for the literature on industrial organisation are discussed.

Fighting tax evasion: a cellular automata approach

Estudio de la dinámica de una población donde los individuos son contribuyentes (pagadores de impuestos) o no mediante un autómata celular 2D

Fighting Deflation: Would QE work in the euro area? CEPS Commentary, 9 October 2014

With inflation in the eurozone stubbornly remaining on a downward trajectory, pressure is growing on the ECB to do “something” to prevent outright deflation. But, given the financial structure of eurozone countries, would the preferred "something" – quantitative easing – actually do the trick?

Afghan Opium and the EU: Fighting the War Economy through Development Cooperation. EU Diplomacy Paper No. 4, 2014

Opium is at the heart of the war economy in Afghanistan, involving a broad range of actors. It generates a sustainable violence cycle and, while international troops withdraw from the country, threatens the Afghan government’s reconstruction efforts. The European Union (EU) plays an important part in the debate on how to deal with this issue. Several counter-narcotics policies have been implemented since 2001 and have mostly failed. This paper looks at these failures and questions the European Union’s ability to help tackle the problem of opium in Afghanistan. It argues that a comprehensive development response, backed by counter-narcotics incentives, could unfasten the spiral of the war economy. It also argues that the EU has developed relevant policies based on poverty alleviation and a structural approach to the opium issue but still lacks the means for action and for donor coordination in order to significantly influence the situation.

Europe’s reactive and protective muddling through: the results of a summit in fire fighting mode. EPC Post-Summit Analysis, 19 October 2015

The EU’s October summit was dominated by one issue; the migration and refugee crisis, with EU leaders intent on putting on a public display of unity after weeks of bitter arguments, and concentrating on fire-fighting and immediate measures to tackle the most pressing reasons for, and impacts of, the crisis. Longer-term measures to address some of the root causes of increased migratory flows, support for the integration of newly arrived refugees or the introduction of new channels of legal migration, were not discussed. The Summit also spent little time on two issues that had originally been expected to be a key part of the agenda: the forthcoming British referendum on EU membership, where irritation with the slow pace of talks and British vagueness about its demands were in evidence; and the governance of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), where EU leaders missed another opportunity for a thorough debate about future perspectives on the basis of the ‘Five Presidents’ Report’.

Something Worth Fighting For: The Evolution of Lobbying Coalitions in the Emissions Trading System. Bruges Political Research Papers 50/2015.

This thesis attempts to understand who fought for influence within the European Union’s policy area of the Emissions Trading System (ETS). The ETS is a key aspect of the European Union’s (EU) climate change policy and is particularly important in light of the conclusions at the 2015 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris. It was first established in 2003 with Directive 2003/87/EC and completed its first major revision in 2008 with Directive 2009/29/EC. Between these two key Directives, the interplay between industrial and environmental incentives means that the ETS has created a dynamic venue for divergent interest groups. So as to identify the relevant actors, this paper applies the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) of Sabatier. Using position papers, semi-structured interviews, and unpublished documents from the EU institutions, this paper answers it primary research question in its identification of an economy-first and an environment-first lobbying coalition. These coalitions have expanded over time with the environment-first coalition incorporating Greenpeace and the economy-first coalition expanding even further in both scope and speed. However, the economy-first coalition has been susceptible to industry-specific interests. In its application of the ACF, the research shows that a hypothesised effect between the ACF’s external events and these lobbying coalitions is inconclusive. Other hypotheses stemming from the ACF relating to electricity prices and the 2004 enlargement seem to be of significance for the relative composition of the lobbying coalitions. This paper finds that there are certain limitations within the ACF. The findings of this thesis provide a unique insight into how lobbying coalitions within a key EU policy area can form and develop.