Economic growth and inequality: the role of fiscal policies

This paper analyses the impact of different instruments of fiscal policy on economic growth as well as on income inequality, using an unbalanced panel of 43 upper-middle and high income countries for the period 1972-2006. We consider and estimate two individual equations explaining growth and inequality in order to assess the incidence of different fiscal policies. Firstly, our approach considers imposing orthogonal assumptions between growth and inequality in both equations, and secondly, it allows growth to be included in the inequality equation, and inequality to be included in the growth equation. The empirical results suggest that an increase in the size of government measured through current expenditures and direct taxes diminishes economic growth while reducing inequality, being public investment the only fiscal policy that may break this trade-off between efficiency and equity, since increases in this item reduces inequality without harming output. Therefore, the results reflect that the trade-off between efficiency and equity that governments often confront when designing their fiscal policies may be avoided.

Explanatory factors of CO2 per capita emission inequality in the European Union

The design of European mitigation policies requires a detailed examination of the factors explaining the unequal emissions in the different countries. This research analyzes the evolution of inequality in CO2 per capita emissions in the European Union (EU-27) in the 1990-2006 period and its explanatory factors. For this purpose, we decompose the Theil index of inequality into the contributions of the different Kaya factors. The decomposition is also applied to the inequality between and within groups of countries (North Europe, South Europe, and East Europe). The analysis shows an important reduction in inequality, to a large extent due to the smaller differences between groups and because of the lower contribution of the energy intensity factor. The importance of the GDP per capita factor increases and becomes the main explanatory factor. However, within the different groups of countries the carbonization index appears to be the most relevant factor in explaining inequalities.

Relaxation methods for solving linear inequality systems: Converging results

The problem of finding a feasible solution to a linear inequality system arises in numerous contexts. In [12] an algorithm, called extended relaxation method, that solves the feasibility problem, has been proposed by the authors. Convergence of the algorithm has been proven. In this paper, we onsider a class of extended relaxation methods depending on a parameter and prove their convergence. Numerical experiments have been provided, as well.

Beurling-Landau densities of weighted Fekete sets and correlation kernel estimates

Vegeu el resum a l'inici del document del fitxer adjunt.

A sharp Remez inequality for trigonometric polynomials

Vegeu el resum a l'inici del document del fitxer adjunt.

Inequality and the stereotyping of young people

Recent research published by the Equality Authority highlights the ways in which a selection of teenagers believe they are negatively perceived and treated by adults across Irish society. The report is based on focus group discussions with 90 teenagers during May and June 2005 and includes the views of young asylum seekers, travellers, people with disabilities and lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender youth. Contact with the young people was facilitated through the National Youth Council of Ireland (NYCI). The report also includes findings from a case study of stereotyping of young people in the Irish media.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

Does income inequality cause health and social problems?

Key points• The literature shows general agreement about a correlation between income inequality and health/social problems. • There is less agreement about whether income inequality causes health and social problems independently of other factors, but some rigorous studies have found evidence of this. • The independent effect of income inequality on health/social problems shown in some studies looks small in statistical terms. But these studies cover whole populations, and hence a significant number of lives. • Some research suggests that inequality is particularly harmful beyond a certain threshold. Britain was below this threshold in the 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s, but rose past it in 1986–7 and has settled well above it since 1998–9. If the threshold is significant it could provide a target for policy. • Anxiety about status might explain income inequality’s effect on health and social problems. If so, inequality is harmful because it places people in a hierarchy which increases competition for status, causing stress and leading to poor health and other negative outcomes. • Not all research shows an independent effect of income inequality on health/social problems. Some highlights the role of individual income (poverty/material circumstances), culture/history, ethnicity and welfare state institutions/social policies. • The author concludes that there is a strong case for further research on income inequality and discussion of the policy implications.This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

Poverty, inequality and policy since 1997

This study examines the impact of policy on poverty and inequality in Britain since 1997This research shows what effect policies introduced since 1997 have had on reducing poverty and inequality. It offers a considered assessment of impacts over a decade:How did policies change, before 1997 and since then?What evidence is there of impacts on key outcomes?What gaps or problems remain or emerged?The study covers a range of subjects, including public attitudes to poverty and inequality, children and early years, education, health, employment, pensions, and migrants. It measures the extent of progress and also considers future direction and pressures, particularly in the light of recession and an ageing society.The research draws on extensive analysis of policy documents, analysis by government departments and research bodies, published statistics and evaluations, analysis of large-scale datasets, micro-simulation modelling and a long-running qualitative study with residents of low-income neighbourhoods.��

Trends in world inequality in life span since 1970

The trends in the variance of length of life, and in the variance of length of adult life in particular, are not well understood, while world inequality in length of adult life has remained stagnant. This��research��from the National Bureau of Economic Research (US)��examines life-span inequality in a broad, balanced panel of 180 rich and poor countries observed in 1970 and 2000. While the share of inequality within countries has decreased over time, inequalities between different countries have unambiguously increased. �� ��

Inequality in Healthy Life Expectancy at Birth by National Deciles of Area Deprivation: England, 2010-12

This release from the Office for National Statistics contains a reference table providing Healthy Life Expectancy (HLE) and Life Expectancy (LE) at birth for national deciles of area deprivation in England. It also provides two measures of inequality, the range and Slope Index of Inequality (SII), for the period 2010-12.Key findingsMales in the most deprived areas have a life expectancy 9.1 years shorter (when measured by the range) than males in the least deprived areas; they also spend a smaller proportion of their shorter lives in ‘Good’ health (70.8% compared to 85.0%).Females in the most deprived areas have a life expectancy 6.8 years shorter (when measured by the range) than females in the least deprived areas; they also expect to spend 17.2% less of their life in ‘Good’ health (66.1% compared to 83.2%).Males in the most advantaged areas can expect to live 19.4 years longer in ‘Good’ health than those in the least advantaged areas as measured by the Slope Index of Inequality (SII). For females this was 19.8 years.Read the release here.��

Health Inequality Profiles 2008 - MSOA level data (v2)

Using mortality and population data from 2001 to 2007 DSRs and life expectancy were calculated for all Middle Layer Super Output Areas in the East of England.

Health Inequality Profiles 2008 - All age, all cause standardised vs. EoE

DSRs (with CIs) for All age, all cause mortality 2001-03 to 2005-07, by gender, for Counties/UAs, County quintiles, County 80/20 standardises - as in previous years - against East of England Census 2001 population.

Health inequality target monitoring: update to include data for 2006

These reports summarise progress against Department of Health inequality targets for 2010 in the following areas: Infant mortality; life expectancy at birth for males and for females; cancer (premature mortality rate) and all circulatory diseases (premature mortality rate). Key facts Infant mortality The inequality gap in the infant mortality rate has reduced for the second consecutive period, though not yet by a sufficient amount to meet the target, based on the trend since the current socio economic classifications were introduced in 2001. Life expectancy at birth (males and females) The inequality gaps in male and female life expectancy at birth have both increased since the baseline. If current trends continue, the target would not be met. Cancer mortality The inequality gap in cancer mortality has declined since the baseline (despite a slight increase in the latest period), and the minimum requirement for the 2010 target has already been met. All circulatory diseases mortality The inequality gap in circulatory disease mortality has declined, and is on track to meet the target.

Indicators of inequality: Classification and selection of ethnic health disparity indicators

Classification and selection of ethnic disparity health indicators in New Zealand