123 resultados para Fascism.


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In the aftermath of the Second World War, Italian intellectuals participated in Italy’s reconstruction with an ideological commitment inspired by the African-American struggle for equal rights in the United States. Drawing on the work of many of the leading figures in postwar Italian culture, including Italo Calvino, Giorgio Caproni, Cesare Pavese, and Elio Vittorini, this essay argues that Italian intellectual impegno—defined as the effort to remake Italian culture and to guide Italian social reform—was united with a significant investment in the African-American cause. The author terms this tendency impegno nero and traces its development in the critical reception of African-American writers including W.E.B. DuBois, Langston Hughes, and Richard Wright. Postwar impegno nero is then contrasted with the treatment of African-American themes under Fascism, when commentators had likewise condemned American racism, but had paradoxically linked their laments for the plight of African Americans with defenses of the racial policies of the Fascist regime. Indeed, Fascist colonialism and anti-Semitism were both justified through references to what Fascist intellectuals believed to be America’s greater injustices. After 1945, in contrast, Italian intellectuals advocated an international, interdependent campaign for justice, symbolizing national reforms by projecting them onto an emblematic America. In this way, impegno nero revived and revised the celebrated "myth of America" that had developed in Italy between the world wars. Advancing a new, postwar myth, Italian intellectuals adopted the African-American struggle in order to reinforce their own efforts in the ongoing struggle for justice in Italy.

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Why has the extreme right Greek Golden Dawn, a party with clear links to fascism experienced a rise defying all theories that claim that such a party is unlikely to win in post-WWII Europe? And, if we accept that economic crisis is an explanation for this, why has such a phenomenon not occurred in other countries that have similar conducive conditions, such as Portugal and Spain? This article addresses this puzzle by (a) carrying out a controlled comparison of Greece, Portugal and Spain and (b) showing that the rise of the extreme right is not a question of intensity of economic crisis. Rather it is the nature of the crisis, i.e. economic versus overall crisis of democratic representation that facilitates the rise of the extreme right. We argue that extreme right parties are more likely to experience an increase in their support when economic crisis culminates into an overall crisis of democratic representation. Economic crisis is likely to become a political crisis when severe issues of governability impact upon the ability of the state to fulfil its social contract obligations. This breach of the social contract is accompanied by declining levels of trust in state institutions, resulting in party system collapse.

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Scholarship has for decades emphasised the significant continuities in Italian culture and society after Fascism, calling into question the rhetoric of post-war renewal. This essay proposes a reassessment of that rhetoric through the analysis of five key metaphors with which Italian intellectuals represented national recovery after 1945: parenthesis, disease, flood, childhood, and discovery. While the current critical consensus would lead us to expect a cultural conversation characterised by repression and evasion, an analysis of these five post-war metaphors instead reveals both a penetrating re-assessment of Italian culture after Fascism and an earnest adherence to the cause of national re-vitalisation. Foregrounding the inter-relation of Italy’s prospects for change and its continuities with Fascism, these metaphors suggest that post-war Italian intellectuals conceived of their country’s hopes for renewal, as well as its connections to the recent past, in terms that transcend the binary division favoured in many historical accounts.

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O tema principal deste trabalho é a análise de contradições da política brasileira contemporânea à luz da Teoria Crítica.

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Trata-se de mostrar a originalidade crítica de Siegfried Kracauer diante da experiência da modernidade estética e de discutir as afinidades estético-teóricas de Kracauer e Benjamim ao analisar a Paris da segunda metade do século XIX, o Segundo Império, em particular, como fenômeno originário da sociedade de massas, da indústria cultural e do entretenimento e, sobretudo, do nazi-fascismo. Kracauer durante seu exílio parisiense (1933-41) escreveu uma biografia da sociedade: Jacques Offenbach e a Paris de sua época (Jacques Offenbach und das Paris seiner Zeit). Obra inovadora pelo seu enfoque da história do presente e com pontos de contatos com a Obra das Passagens (Passagen-Werk) ou Paris capital do século XIX de Walter Benjamin.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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The aim of this paper is to analyze the confluences between the thinking of philosophers Theodor Adorno and Hannah Arendt in critiquing totalitarianism and fascism in the post-World War II period. Looking for approximation between the works of both philosophers, the most relevant aspects of this criticism for the philosophy of education will be explicited.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)