1000 resultados para Espanya -- Relacions -- Unió Europea, Països de la
Resumo:
L’objectiu d’aquesta treball és proposar un model de relacions causals i unes hipòtesis de treball sobre la lleialtat dels turistes a les destinacions transfrontereres en el context de la Unió Europea
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L’experiència Erasmus s’associa sovint a sortir de festa, estudiar poc i passar-s’ho tan bé com es pugui aprofitant que coneixes gent nova, que ets en un país estranger, que tens la família lluny i no et pot passar comptes, etc. Però aquests són només aspectes parcials, potser els més visibles, de tota l’experiència. Marxar de casa per estudiar en un país estranger comporta una sèrie de canvis en la vida que l’estudiant viu de manera més o menys intensa, i que poden marcar el seu futur. A aquests sis estudiants, Girona els ha canviat la vida. De fet el que els ha canviat la vida ha estat l’experiència Erasmus, i els hauria passat en qualsevol país on haguessin anat per motius d’estudi. Però ells van triar Girona. I Girona quedarà en el seu record per sempre. Nadeia Balsalobre, tècnica de l’Oficina de Relacions Exteriors ens explica els detalls en aquest reportatge
Resumo:
Research on the attitudes, motivations and social and political behavior of European cadets have been made throughout the last decade. Nowadays Spain also joins those surveys. Thru the analysis of polling data, we can consider the different attitudes of Spanish cadets in relation with the other European ones. The conclusion is that although the Spanish political transition to democracy has not ended already in the military teaching system, there are a lot of similarities among Spanish and European cadets.
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El nou moviment de les Zones Lliures de Transgènics (ZLT) sorgeix dels moviments d’oposició als OMGAs, paral·lement al debat que està tenint lloc en el sí de la UE, entorn la viabilitat de la coexistència entre l’agricultura transgènica i la convencional o ecològica. Aquest moviment que s’articula des de la dimensió local però amb un marcat simbolisme i rellevància en l’àmbit global, constitueix una important eina de desobediència civil dins el marc regulatori de la UE. Actualment, dins el context europeu, és a l’Estat Espanyol on es concentra la major superfície de blat de moro MG a escala comercial, cosa que dificulta l’establiment de ZLT. Aquest moviment, que reivindica la sobirania de les regions dins el gegant europeu, constitueix una alternativa real al model de producció, consum i dedesenvolupament actuals.
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Este artículo analiza tres enfoques fundamentales del proceso de integración europea: neofuncionalista, intergubernamentalista y con especial atención al neoinstitucionalismo
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El artículo se desarrolla en tres apartados. El primero dibuja el estado de la cuestión en relación con los instrumentos actuales de participación regional en las decisiones europeas. El segundo analiza detalladamente el debate de las posiciones y las propuestas defendidas durante los trabajos de la Convención Europea alrededor del grado de inserción de las regiones en la toma de decisiones. El tercero examina las principales consecuencias que se derivan del acuerdo final, poniendo especialmente de relieve las implicaciones que se derivan para los Estados miembros que, como España, se hayan inmersos en un proceso de reformas constitucionales y estatuarias
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The paper is divided into four sections. The first offers a critical assessment of explanations of both rationalist and constructivist approaches currently dominating European studies and assesses the notion of path dependence. The second and third sections analyse the role of both material interests and polity ideas in EU enlargement to Turkey, and conclude that explanations exclusively based on either strategic calculations or values and identities have significant shortcomings. The fourth section examines the institutional path of Turkey's candidacy to show how the course of action begun at Helsinki restricted the range of possible and legitimate options three years later in Copenhagen.
Resumo:
As a consequence of the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the US-led war against Iraq, WMD and their proliferation have become a central element of the EU security agenda. In December 2003, the European Council adopted even a EU Strategy against Proliferation of WMD. The approach adopted in this Strategy can be largely described as a ‘cooperative security provider’ approach and is based on effective multilateralism, the promotion of a stable international and regional environment and the cooperation with key partners. The principal objective of this paper is to examine in how far the EU has actually implemented the ‘cooperative security provider’ approach in the area which the Non-proliferation Strategy identifies as one of its priorities – the Mediterranean. Focusing on the concept of security interdependence, the paper analyses first the various WMD dangers with which the EU is confronted in the Mediterranean area. Afterwards, it examines how the EU has responded to these hazards in the framework of the Barcelona process and, in particular, the new European Neighbourhood Policy. It is argued that despite its relatively powerful rhetoric, the EU has largely failed, for a wide range of reasons, to apply effectively its non-proliferation approach in the Mediterranean area and, thus, to become a successful security provider.
Resumo:
The European Neighbourhood Policy’s birth has taken place in parallel with the renewed momentum of the European Security and Defence Policy, which has launched 14 operations since 2003. Both policies’ instruments have converged in the neighbouring area covered by ENP: Georgia, in the East and the Palestinian Territories in the South. In both cases, the Security Sector Reform strategies have been the main focus for ESDP and an important objective for ENP. In this paper, two objectives are pursued: first, to assess the EU’s involvement in both cases in SSR terms; and second, to analyse whether the convergence of ESDP operations with a broader EU neighbourhood policy implies that the former has become an instrument for the a EU external action.
Resumo:
The aim of this article is to analyse those situations in which learning and socialisation take place within the context of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), in particular, at the level of experts in the Council Working Groups. Learning can explain the institutional development of CFSP and changes in the foreign policies of the Member States. Some scope conditions for learning and channels of institutionalisation are identified. Socialisation, resulting from learning within a group, is perceived as a strategic action by reflective actors. National diplomats, once they arrive in Brussels, learn the new code of conduct of their Working Groups. They are embedded in two environments and faced with two logics: the European one in the Council and the national one in the Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFA). The empirical evidence supports the argument that neither rational nor sociological approaches alone can account for these processes.
Resumo:
The paper analyses how the EU foreign policy towards Georgia changed after the Rose Revolution, reaching greater levels of involvement and assistance. It is argued that the pro-western and reformist new government in Georgia triggered a new orientation in the EU foreign policy towards the country based on a logic of appropriateness, that is EU´s values, in addition to energy interests. Comparative analysis in the Southern-Caucasus and other Eastern-European countries shows how reformist and pro-EU governments receive more EU support and assistance. This does not mean that material interest do not play an important role. However, the EU seems to be coherent with its values when regarding the European neighbourhood.
Resumo:
The creation, reform and/or restructuring of the police in post-conflict societies remains one of the key challenges for practitioners and scholars in the contemporary fields of peace and security, particularly due to the changing nature of conflicts. Since the 1990s the world has witnessed a proliferation of international police missions, with regional organisations gradually acquiring a prominent role. This paper analyses the 2003-2005 period of the European Union Police Mission (EUPM) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Much is at stake in this mission, both in terms of the development of the EU´s external identity but also for Bosnia and Herzegovina’s road to EU membership and sustainable peace. This paper will argue that by 2005 the balance sheet was mixed. EUPM fell short of fulfilling its overall goal of ‘Europeanising’ Bosnian police services, and of its desire to be seen as providing that additional ingredient in police matters that would set it apart from the earlier UN mission. Nevertheless, despite its shortcomings, the Mission did not merit the harsh criticisms it was faced with. Its lack of success was not entirely the Mission’s doing. The paper focuses on three aspects: political and economic viability and sustainability, security levels in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and institution and capacity building. The explanatory framework used in this paper is based on the democratic policing discourse. In doing so the argument developed here will also shed light on the nature of so-called “best European practices” in police matters.