895 resultados para Criminal courts
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Les violations aux droits humains causent des milliers de victimes chaque année, des mécanismes de justice sont élaborés afin de répondre à ces crimes, mais les victimes demeurent peu consultées. Par le biais d’entretiens semi-directifs, cette étude présente le point de vue et les attentes des victimes de crimes contre l’humanité du Cambodge et du Rwanda sur la justice. La justice sociale constitue le cadre théorique de cette étude. Les résultats montrent que la justice pénale est centrale à la définition de la justice. La réparation et la vérité en constituent aussi les éléments essentiels. Toutefois, la capacité des tribunaux à rendre compte de la vérité est critiquée par les répondants créant un écart entre ce qu’elles veulent et ce qu’elles obtiennent. La qualité de la prise de décision et du traitement interpersonnel favorise aussi la perception de justice du point de vue des victimes. Les différentes composantes de la justice perçues, comme la punition, la réparation et la procédure, varient toutefois en fonction du contexte social et historique de la victimisation.
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Teniendo en cuenta tres casos dentro del contexto del conflicto armado donde la jurisdicción penal colombiana estudia la admisión o exclusión de medios probatorios producidos a partir de injerencias de comunicaciones, encontramos que no siempre se aplica la regla de exclusión cuando no cuentan con una orden judicial previa. Ante este problema, buscamos como se ha solucionado, teniendo como referente la el Derecho Internacional Humanitario, el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos. Lo anterior nos da base para entender la regla de exclusión de que se ha venido desarrollando dentro del Derecho Internacional Penal. Si bien estas reglas nos sirven para solucionar estos tres casos, terminan siendo contradictorios a lo que ha venido desarrollando la Corte Constitucional. De esta manera, si bien esta Corte consideró que la regla de Estatuto de Roma, va en concordancia con la nuestra regla de exclusión nacional, tal afirmación es errónea.
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This project looked at the nature, contents, methods, means and legal and political effects of the influence that constitutional courts exercise upon the legislative and executive powers in the newly established democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. The basic hypothesis was that these courts work to provide a limitation of political power within the framework of the principal constitutional values and that they force the legislature and executive to exercise their powers and duties in strict accordance with the constitution. Following a study of the documentary sources, including primarily the relevant constitutional and statutory provisions and decisions of constitutional courts, Mr. Cvetkovski prepared a questionnaire on various aspects of the topics researched and sent it to the respective constitutional courts. A series of direct interviews with court officials in six of the ten countries then served to clarify a large number of questions relating to differences in procedures etc. that arose from the questionnaires. As a final stage, the findings were compared with those described in recent publications on constitutional control in general and in Central and Eastern Europe in particular. The study began by considering the constitutional and political environment of the constitutional courts' activities in controlling legislative and executive powers, which in all countries studied are based on the principles of the rule of law and the separation of powers. All courts are separate bodies with special status in terms of constitutional law and are independent of other political and judicial institutions. The range of matters within their jurisdiction is set by the constitution of the country in question but in all cases can be exercised only with the framework of procedural rules. This gives considerable significance to the question of who sets these rules and different countries have dealt with it in different ways. In some there is a special constitutional law with the same legal force as the constitution itself (Croatia), the majority of countries allow for regulation by an ordinary law, Macedonia gives the court the autonomy to create and change its own rules of procedure, while in Hungary the parliament fixes the rules on procedure at the suggestion of the constitutional court. The question of the appointment of constitutional judges was also considered and of the mechanisms for ensuring their impartiality and immunity. In the area of the courts' scope for providing normative control, considerable differences were found between the different countries. In some cases the courts' jurisdiction is limited to the normative acts of the respective parliaments, and there is generally no provision for challenging unconstitutional omissions by legislation and the executive. There are, however, some situations in which they may indirectly evaluate the constitutionality of legislative omissions, as when the constitution contains provision for a time limit on enacting legislation, when the parliament has made an omission in drafting a law which violates the constitutional provisions, or when a law grants favours to certain groups while excluding others, thereby violating the equal protection clause of the constitution. The control of constitutionality of normative acts can be either preventive or repressive, depending on whether it is implemented before or after the promulgation of the law or other enactment being challenged. In most countries in the region the constitutional courts provide only repressive control, although in Hungary and Poland the courts are competent to perform both preventive and repressive norm control, while in Romania the court's jurisdiction is limited to preventive norm control. Most countries are wary of vesting constitutional courts with preventive norm control because of the danger of their becoming too involved in the day-to-day political debate, but Mr. Cvetkovski points out certain advantages of such control. If combined with a short time limit it can provide early clarification of a constitutional issue, secondly it avoids the problems arising if a law that has been in force for some years is declared to be unconstitutional, and thirdly it may help preserve the prestige of the legislation. Its disadvantages include the difficulty of ascertaining the actual and potential consequences of a norm without the empirical experience of the administration and enforcement of the law, the desirability of a certain distance from the day-to-day arguments surrounding the political process of legislation, the possible effects of changing social and economic conditions, and the danger of placing obstacles in the way of rapid reactions to acute situations. In the case of repressive norm control, this can be either abstract or concrete. The former is initiated by the supreme state organs in order to protect abstract constitutional order and the latter is initiated by ordinary courts, administrative authorities or by individuals. Constitutional courts cannot directly oblige the legislature and executive to pass a new law and this remains a matter of legislative and executive political responsibility. In the case of Poland, the parliament even has the power to dismiss a constitutional court decision by a special majority of votes, which means that the last word lies with the legislature. As the current constitutions of Central and Eastern European countries are newly adopted and differ significantly from the previous ones, the courts' interpretative functions should ensure a degree of unification in the application of the constitution. Some countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Russia) provide for the constitutional courts' decisions to have a binding role on the constitutions. While their decisions inevitably have an influence on the actions of public bodies, they do not set criteria for political behaviour, which depends rather on the overall political culture and traditions of the society. All constitutions except that of Belarus, provide for the courts to have jurisdiction over conflicts arising from the distribution of responsibilities between different organs and levels in the country, as well for impeachment procedures against the head of state, and for determining the constitutionality of political parties (except in Belarus, Hungary, Russia and Slovakia). All the constitutions studied guarantee individual rights and freedoms and most courts have jurisdiction over complaints of violation of these rights by the constitution. All courts also have some jurisdiction over international agreements and treaties, either directly (Belarus, Bulgaria and Hungary) before the treaty is ratified, or indirectly (Croatia, Czech Republic, Macedonia, Romania, Russia and Yugoslavia). In each country the question of who may initiate proceedings of norm control is of central importance and is usually regulated by the constitution itself. There are three main possibilities: statutory organs, normal courts and private individuals and the limitations on each of these is discussed in the report. Most courts are limited in their rights to institute ex officio a full-scale review of a point of law, and such rights as they do have rarely been used. In most countries courts' decisions do not have any binding force but must be approved by parliament or impose on parliament the obligation to bring the relevant law into conformity within a certain period. As a result, the courts' position is generally weaker than in other countries in Europe, with parliament remaining the supreme body. In the case of preventive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality may act to suspend the law and or to refer it back to the legislature, where in countries such as Romania it may even be overturned by a two-thirds majority. In repressive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality generally serves to take the relevant law out of legal force from the day of publication of the decision or from another date fixed by the court. If the law is annulled retrospectively this may or may not bring decisions of criminal courts under review, depending on the provisions laid down in the relevant constitution. In cases relating to conflicts of competencies the courts' decisions tend to be declaratory and so have a binding effect inter partes. In the case of a review of an individual act, decisions generally become effective primarily inter partes but is the individual act has been based on an unconstitutional generally binding normative act of the legislature or executive, the findings has quasi-legal effect as it automatically initiates special proceedings in which the law or other regulation is to be annulled or abrogated with effect erga omnes. This wards off further application of the law and thus further violations of individual constitutional rights, but also discourages further constitutional complaints against the same law. Thus the success of one individual's complaint extends to everyone else whose rights have equally been or might have been violated by the respective law. As the body whose act is repealed is obliged to adopt another act and in doing so is bound by the legal position of the constitutional court on the violation of constitutionally guaranteed freedoms and rights of the complainant, in this situation the decision of the constitutional court has the force of a precedent.
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Head-pieces: a few manuscript marginal notes; the "Chronica series" covers the period 1067-1671, and is extended in manuscript through 1727 (with omission of last four columns, magist. rotulorum & c., for 1722-1727.
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"July 1981."
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Editors: v. 1-3, J. G. Hawley.--v. 4-10, J. Gibbons.--v. 11-15, J. F. Geeting and H. C. Geeting
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Includes index.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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BACKGROUND: In light of evidence showing reduced criminal recidivism and cost savings, adult drug treatment courts have grown in popularity. However, the potential spillover benefits to family members are understudied. OBJECTIVES: To examine: (1) the overlap between parents who were convicted of a substance-related offense and their children's involvement with child protective services (CPS); and (2) whether parental participation in an adult drug treatment court program reduces children's risk for CPS involvement. METHODS: Administrative data from North Carolina courts, birth records, and social services were linked at the child level. First, children of parents convicted of a substance-related offense were matched to (a) children of parents convicted of a nonsubstance-related offense and (b) those not convicted of any offense. Second, we compared children of parents who completed a DTC program with children of parents who were referred but did not enroll, who enrolled for <90 days but did not complete, and who enrolled for 90+ days but did not complete. Multivariate logistic regression was used to model group differences in the odds of being reported to CPS in the 1 to 3 years following parental criminal conviction or, alternatively, being referred to a DTC program. RESULTS: Children of parents convicted of a substance-related offense were at greater risk of CPS involvement than children whose parents were not convicted of any charge, but DTC participation did not mitigate this risk. Conclusion/Importance: The role of specialty courts as a strategy for reducing children's risk of maltreatment should be further explored.
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Excerpt: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, Students' annual. v. 1, 1914.
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Background A relationship exists between mental disorder and offending behaviours but the nature and extent of the association remains in doubt. Method Those convicted in the higher courts of Victoria between 1993 and 1995 had their pyschiatric history explored by case linkage to a register listing virtually all contacts with the public psychiatric services. Results Prior psychiatric contact was found in 25% or offenders, but the personality disorder and substance misuse accounted for much of this relationship. Schizophrenia and affective disorders were also over-represented, particularly those with coexisting substance misuse. Conclusions The increased offending in schizophrenia and affective illness is modest and may often be mediated by coexisting substance misuse. The risk of a serious crime being committed by someone with a major mental illness is small and does not justify subjecting them, as a group, to either increased institutional containment or greater coercion.
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Em termos de dinheiros públicos, devemos ter em consideração a necessidade de ter que existir uma boa governança. É importante a participação. Também a transparência. E se os direitos e deveres sociais fundamentais estão interligados, não é menos verdade que é preciso a apresentação de boas contas à população. E aqui temos que falar também em plena responsabilidade pública. Num sentido lato, podemos falar num princípio geral de anticorrupção. O mau uso dos dinheiros públicos pode conduzir à responsabilidade de índole criminal. O crime de branqueamento/lavagem, um crime secundário, pode ter por origem ilícitos e/ou crimes que se relacionam com a utilização indevida de dinheiros públicos. A responsabilidade financeira e criminal pode aliás constituir um incremento na boa gestão dos dinheiros públicos. Deste modo – não tendo o direito penal finalidades de promoção ou de “combate”, mas ainda assim retributivos, preventivos gerais e especiais positivos e restaurativos -, podemos estar a caminhar para uma melhor concretização dos direitos, e dos deveres, que são garantidos do ponto de vista constitucional-constitucional. Afinal, todas as áreas do direito, são peças do mesmo jogo de xadrez. O Tribunal Constitucional em Portugal, o Supremo Tribunal Federal no Brasil, o Supremo Tribunal de Justiça em Portugal, o Superior Tribunal de Justiça no Brasil, os Tribunais de Contas em ambos os países. § In terms of public money, we should take into account the need to have to be good governance. It is important to participate. Also transparency. And if fundamental rights and social duties are interrelated, it is also true that we need to present good accounts to the population. And here we must also speak in full public accountability. In a broad sense, we can speak of a general principle of anti-corruption. The misuse of public funds can lead to criminal nature of responsibility. The crime of money laundering, a secondary crime, may have as illicit origin and / or crimes that relate to the misuse of public funds. The financial and criminal liability may in fact be an increase in the sound management of public funds. Thus - not having the criminal law purposes of promotion or "combat", but still remunerative, general and special preventive and restorative positive - we may be heading for a better realization of the rights, and duties, which are guaranteed the constitutional-constitutional point of view. After all, all areas of the law are parts of the same game of chess. The Constitutional Court in Portugal, the Supreme Court in Brazil, the Supreme Court in Portugal, the Superior Court of Justice in Brazil, the Audit Courts in both countries.