El surgimiento del Orden Internacional Moderno según Tierra y Mar de Carl Schmitt

El propósito de esta disertación es rescatar las interpretaciones de Tierra y Mar en lo que se refiere al surgimiento del Orden Internacional Moderno, con el objetivo de explicar la percepción de los acontecimientos por parte de Carl Schmitt y su aporte filosófico-jurídico a la comprensión de la historia y teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales. La particularidad de esta obra de Schmitt es su estilo profundo: la variedad y amplitud de temas que abarca, que contrasta con la brevedad del texto. El presente trabajo ha encontrado vacíos en el estudio de Tierra y Mar, así como interpretaciones distintas a las propuestas por el autor, en lo concerniente al surgimiento del Orden Internacional Moderno. La originalidad de la obra de Schmitt consiste en proponer, en realidad, dos órdenes internacionales distintos que surgen en el mundo moderno.

Pluralismo, violência e Direitos Humanos

O objecto deste artigo consiste no esclarecimento de como a conceptualização da questão da violência no pensamento político liberal, herdeiro da tradição lockiana, tal como esta se apresenta na Carta sobre a Tolerância, está indissoluvelmente associada à questão do pluralismo doutrinal

La educación laica y el proyecto educativo velasquista en el Ecuador, 1930-1950 (Estudios)

Este estudio analiza la política educativa de Velasco Ibarra durante sus dos primeros gobiernos 0934-1935 y 1944-1947) Y las tensiones que mantuvo con la educación laica, instituida décadas atrás por la Revolución Liberal. Con este propósito, el artículo examina la función que la educación tuvo en el ideario velasquista, empeñado en la reconstitución del orden moral de la sociedad. El ensayo interroga el proyecto de despolitización de la educación y de respaldo a la educación confesional que Velasco Ibarra impulsó. Examina, además, el desarrollo de una oferta educativa estratificada, contraria a los principios más democratizadores de la educación liberal.

Charles Darwin's liberalism in 'Natural Selection as affecting civilised nations'

This article reassesses 'Natural Selection as affecting Civilised Nations': a thirteen-page section in the first volume of The Descent of Man (1871) often assumed to be problematic for those who wish to emphasize Darwin's liberal credentials. For hismost virulent critics the section connects Darwin to eugenics and the Nazi Holocaust. Even his admirers tend to view it as symptomatic of Darwin succumbing to a more conservative politics. This article demonstrates, through a delineation of the intellectual context and a close reading of key passages, that in fact 'Natural Selection as affecting Civilised Nations' confirmed, rather than abandoned, Darwin's liberalism.

Theology and politics in Richard Hooker's thought

Although Richard Hooker’s private attitudes were clericalist and authoritarian, his constitutional theory subordinated clergymen to laymen and monarchy to parliamentary statute. This article explains why his political ideas were nonetheless appropriate to his presumed religious purposes. It notes a very intimate connection between his teleological conception of a law and his hostility towards conventional high Calvinist ideas about predestination. The most significant anomaly within his broadly Aristotelian world-view was his belief that politics is nothing but a means to cope with sin. This too can be linked to his religious ends, but it creates an ambiguity that made his doctrines usable by Locke.

Minority rights with Chinese characteristics

The growing influence of liberalism in China has made it important to determine the response of traditional Chinese political thought to Western liberal ideas of multicultural citizenship, and the impact of the Western liberal model of minority rights on China’s ethnic minority policy. This chapter begins by discussing the basic characteristics of the Confucian approach to minority questions and minority rights. It examines the influence of Marxism on minority rights, in general, and on Chinese practice, in particular. It then discusses China’s policies on ethic minorities, and compares current Chinese practices with the Western liberal model of minority rights.

Few choices under work choices

This paper sets out the history of the philosophical understanding held by the major political parties towards the governance of the Australian industrial relations system. In so doing it notes there has been a long legacy of socialist and conservative political and ideological support for mediating industrial conflict through the institutional agencies provided by conciliation and arbitration tribunals. The discussion notes the erosion of this legacy under the recent ascendancy of neo-liberal political and neo-classical economic thought, an ascendancy that has seen a significant retreat of state responsibility for mediating relations between the two sides of industry in the name of improving business productivity and national economic outcomes. The passing of the Workplace Amendment (Work Choices) Bill 2005 is the latest legislative manifestation of this thinking. This paper challenges the labour market assumptions and expectations of the Bill by arguing that equality in bargaining power between the two sides of industry in the manner afforded by conciliation and arbitration tribunals is essential for any genuine and lasting prosperity to exist between labour and capital.

Emotion, reason and tradition : essays on the social, poltical and economic thought of Michael Polanyi

This collection of essays demonstrates the continuing importance of the work of Michael Polanyi for the understanding, not only of the great events of the 20th century, but also of the problems that face us in the 21st century. Polanyi moved liberalism away from a negative, sceptical and rationalist basis towards an acceptance of trust, tradition and faith in transcendent values. His conception of the free society is not one merely of doing as one pleases nor vacuously 'open', but one of individual and communal self-dedication to those values and ideals.These essays, authored by a distinguished international and interdisciplinary panel of invited contributors, examine Polanyi's specific insights in the theory of knowledge, the nature and source of social order and the philosophy of economics and science and draw relevant comparisons between Polanyi and related thinkers such as Popper, Hayek and Mises. This book shows the sources of Polanyi's ideas and his distinctive contribution to philosophy generally, to social and political thought and to economics.

Changing Aristotle's mind and world : critical notes on McDowell's Aristotle

Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics is central to John McDowell’s classic Mind and World. In Lectures IV and V of that work, McDowell makes three claims concerning Aristotle’s ethics: first, that Aristotle did not base his ethics on an externalist, naturalistic basis (including a theory of human nature); second, that attempts to read him as an ethical naturalist are a modern anachronism, generated by the supposed need to ground all viable philosophical claims on claims analogous to the natural sciences; and third, that a suitably construed Aristotelian conception of “second nature” can form the basis of a viable contemporary philosophy of mind, world, and normativity. This paper challenges each of these three claims. Aristotle’s ethics, we will claim alongside Terence Irwin, Bernard Williams, Philippa Foot, and many premodern commentators, is based in the kind of physics, metaphysics, and metaphysical biology that McDowell says it cannot be. Historically, we will argue that McDowell’s argument that Aristotle’s ethical reasoning is “autonomous” or “self-standing” is distinctly modern, citing evidence from the leading medieval commentators on the Nicomachean Ethics. The felt need to which McDowell responds, of reading Aristotle’s ethical or political thought as wholly non-metaphysical, arises from out of the successes of the natural sciences in the modern world, which he agrees discredit the Aristotelian, teleological account of nature. In the final part of the paper, we propose that McDowell’s account of normativity, rooted in the non-metaphysical “second nature” he reads into Aristotle, we will contend, is as it stands inescapably relativistic. On a different note, we need also to recognize, as McDowell does not, that this is a new Aristotle, one shaped by our requirements and space of reasons, not the mind and world of the Greek Philosopher himself.

A proposta do estado empregador de ultima instância e o experimentalismo democrático: uma reflexão teórica sobre a compatibilidade desses dois programas

This paper aims to make a theoretical reflection on the theoretical compatibility between the program State Employer of Last Resort (ELR) and the Democratic experimentalism (ED). The ED arises in political thought as an alternative to neo-liberal and social democratic programs in order to rescue the discussion about the institutional organization of society and the market economy. About the involuntary unemployment, it proposes tax changes incidents on payroll and proposes work fronts to the most vulnerable or poorly trained. The hypothesis of this paper is that this approach is compatible with the ELR program, the post- Keynesian line. The ELR is presented as transgression of the mainstream of economic thought by proposing that the State acts as guarantor of employment, working as a stabilizing anchor for the economy. On the edge, the ELR proposes eliminate completely involuntary unemployment. The implementation of the ELR, however, requires the construction of institutions that aim to remake the market economy, as well as deepen and energize politics and democracy, goals that are part of the ED program. Thus, the ED would, in theory, an environment conducive to innovative policies guarantors of training and occupation of the individual, essential for their emancipation institutional environment. In Brazil, which has serious infrastructure problems and qualification of manpower, such a program has enormous potential benefit. However when transposed to the Northeast of Brazil through the Plan for the region based on the principles of the ED and the hypothetical coupling to the ELR could not confirm or reject the hypothesis sub-compatibility of these two theoretical frameworks. The findings point to a partial convergence between these two programs

A autoridade acima de tudo !: o pensamento geográfico de Jackson de Figueiredo

Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE

Francisco Weffort e o papel da intelligentsia nacional: considerações sobre uma trajetória

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FCLAR

Fra il nome e la storia. Trasformazioni del discorso politico e concetto di classe al principio della monarchia di Luglio (1831-1832)

La ricerca indaga tensioni e trasformazioni che investono le principali correnti di pensiero politico in Francia nei primi anni della monarchia di Luglio, e vi osserva l’emergere del concetto di classe. Assumendo la dimensione dell’avvenimento come punto di intersezione fra storia e teoria, l’elaborato si concentra sul periodo novembre 1831-giugno 1832 per analizzare il modo in cui, nell’ordine del discorso politico repubblicano, liberale e socialista, le vicende di questi mesi vengono interpretate cercando di dar nome alle figure sociali che esse fanno irrompere nel dibattito pubblico. Il titolo Fra il nome e la storia fa dunque riferimento allo sforzo di indagare il campo di tensione che si apre fra concreto divenire storico e grandi operazioni di nominazione che segnano l’affiorare di strutture concettuali della lunga durata. L’emergere della nozione di classe operaia e delle categorie che intorno a essa si organizzano viene interpretata come una «formazione discorsiva» che pone in questione significato e confini del politico. La frattura del 1848 è assunta come orizzonte e margine esterno della ricerca nella misura in cui si ipotizza che essa segni una prima affermazione del regime di verità di tale formazione discorsiva: lo statuto politico del lavoro. L’elaborato consta di quattro capitoli. I primi tre indagano la riflessione sul politico e la funzione che in essa svolge il concetto di classe a partire dall’interpretazione di alcuni avvenimenti del tornante 1831-32 proposta nel discorso repubblicano del quotidiano «Le National» e della Société des Amis du Peuple, in quello del liberalismo dottrinario di François Guizot e in quello socialista nascente, prima del movimento sansimoniano, e poi muovendo fino al 1848 francese con l’analisi propostane da Karl Marx. Il quarto capitolo indaga infine la dimensione del «sociale», la sua elaborazione e articolazione attraverso il lavoro di studio e oggettivazione delle figure del mondo del lavoro.

Capacita' e formazione nel liberalismo di Amartya Sen e Martha Nussbaum. Eredita' differenti del pensiero politico per una "cittadinanza del mondo"

Il presente lavoro di ricerca si propone di discutere il contributo che l’analisi dell’evoluzione storica del pensiero politico occidentale e non occidentale riveste nel percorso intellettuale compiuto dai fondatori della teoria contemporanea dell’approccio delle capacità, fondata e sistematizzata nei suoi contorni speculativi a partire dagli anni Ottanta dal lavoro congiunto dell’economista indiano Amartya Sen e della filosofa dell’Università di Chicago Martha Nussbaum. Ci si ripropone di dare conto del radicamento filosofico-politico del lavoro intellettuale di Amartya Sen, le cui concezioni economico-politiche non hanno mai rinunciato ad una profonda sensibilità di carattere etico, così come dei principali filoni intorno ai quali si è imbastita la versione nussbaumiana dell’approccio delle capacità a partire dalla sua ascendenza filosofica classica in cui assume una particolare primazia il sistema etico-politico di Aristotele. Il pensiero politico moderno, osservato sotto il prisma della riflessione sulla filosofia della formazione che per Sen e Nussbaum rappresenta la “chiave di volta” per la fioritura delle altre capacità individuali, si organizzerà intorno a tre principali indirizzi teorici: l’emergenza dei diritti positivi e sociali, il dibattito sulla natura della consociazione nell’ambito della dottrina contrattualista e la stessa discussione sui caratteri delle politiche formative. La sensibilità che Sen e Nussbaum mostrano nei confronti dell’evoluzione del pensiero razionalista nel subcontinente che passa attraverso teorici antichi (Kautylia e Ashoka) e moderni (Gandhi e Tagore) segna il tentativo operato dai teorici dell’approccio delle capacità di contrastare concezioni politiche contemporanee fondate sul culturalismo e l’essenzialismo nell’interpretare lo sviluppo delle tradizioni culturali umane (tra esse il multiculturalismo, il comunitarismo, il neorealismo politico e la teoria dei c.d. “valori asiatici”) attraverso la presa di coscienza di un corredo valoriale incentrato intorno al ragionamento rintracciabile (ancorché in maniera sporadica e “parallela”) altresì nelle tradizioni culturali e politiche non occidentali.

Marx and the Bible: José Miranda’s Critique of the Philosophy of Oppression

This paper critically examines the liberation theology of José Porfirio Miranda, as expressed in his Marx and the Bible (1971), with a focus on the central idea (and subtitle) of this work: the “Critique of the Philosophy of Oppression.” Miranda’s critique is examined via certain key tropes such as “power,” “justice,” and “freedom,” both in the context of late twentieth-century Latin American society, and in the state of the “post-Christian” and “post-Marxist” world more generally, vis-à-vis contemporary liberal justice theory. Close examination of the potentialities, paradoxes and subtle evasions in Miranda’s critique leads not to the conclusion that Miranda does not go far enough in his application of Christian principles to justice theory.