Can You Home Again? Desertion and Control of Hometowns in Civil Wars

What allows an armed group in a civil war to prevent desertion? This paper addresses this question with a focus on control in the rearguard. Most past studies focus on motivations for desertion. They explain desertion in terms of where soldiers stand in relation to the macro themes of the war, or in terms of an inability to provide positive incentives to overcome the collective action problem. However, since individuals decide whether and how to participate in civil wars for multiple reasons, responding to a variety of local conditions in an environment of threat and violence, a focus only on macro-level motivations is incomplete. The opportunities side of the ledger deserves more attention. I therefore turn my attention to how control by an armed group eliminates soldiers’ opportunities to desert. In particular, I consider the control that an armed group maintains over soldiers’ hometowns, treating geographic terrain as an important exogenous indicator of the ease of control. Rough terrain at home affords soldiers and their families and friends advantages in ease of hiding, the difficulty of using force, and local knowledge. Based on an original dataset of soldiers from Santander Province in the Spanish Civil War, gathered from archival sources, I find statistical evidence that the rougher the terrain in a soldier’s home municipality, the more likely he is to desert. I find complementary qualitative evidence indicating that soldiers from rough-terrain communities took active advantage of their greater opportunities for evasion. This finding has important implications for the way observers interpret different soldiers’ decisions to desert or remain fighting, for the prospect that structural factors may shape the cohesion of armed groups, and for the possibility that local knowledge may be a double-edged sword, making soldiers simultaneously good at fighting and good at deserting.

New developments of peace research: The impact of recent campaigns on disarmament and human security

The present text, based on previous work done by the authors on peace research (Grasa 1990 and 2010) and the disarmament campaigns linked to Human Security (Alcalde 2009 and 2010), has two objectives. First, to present a new agenda for peace research, based on the resolution/transformation of conflicts and the promotion of collective action in furtherance of human security and human development. Second, to focus specifically on collective action and on a positive reading of some of the campaigns that have taken place during the last decades in order to see how the experiences of such will affect the future agenda for peace research and action for peace.

The independent psychological effects of participation in demonstrations

Street demonstrations have received the lion's share of scholarly attention to collective action. This article starts by returning to this research in order to raise some methodological questions about how to collect data on demonstrations and on the validity of the subsequent results. Next, based on my own research on demonstrations, I suggest some questions that deserve to be analyzed. In particular, I argue that we should work more on the psychological effects of participation in demonstrations. One potential line of investigation would be to more systematically explore the socializing effects of political events. Indeed, vivid political events should be important catalysts because they can have significant effects. Events may have an impact at any age but socializing effects will differ based on one's position in the life cycle, from conversion for younger participants to substantiation for older participants. I hypothesize, in line with Mannheim's (1952) "impressionable years" model of socialization research, that people especially recall events as important if they happened in their adolescence or early adulthood.

Introduction : la normalisation des services dans la mondialisation

This book examines the role of technical standards in the regulation of services at the international level. It brings together scholarship in international political economy, French regulation theory, and economic sociology in order to discuss the following questions: Which services are most likely to be internationalised and what actors are the most concerned by the phenomenon? What is the relationship between the internationalisation of services and their institutional environment? What is more particularly the role of technical standards in delivering and using services? The introductory chapter presents a comprehensive analysis of cutting edge research on these questions. It argues that technical standards shape new forms of collective action and transnational authority. The chapter suggests some hypotheses for a new research agenda.

Mobilitzacions del sector agrari valencià : Llauradors de l'arròs en el Parc Natural de l'Albufera

El present estudi rau en analitzar les diferents formes d'organització i mobilització emprades pels llauradors de l'arròs de l'Albufera per a mantenir la viabilitat del seu producte.

Mainmise sur l'état social : mobilisation patronale et caisse de compensation en Suisse (1908-1960)

Qui sait qu'en Suisse, les associations patronales mettent en oeuvre l'Etat social ? Qui sait que associations organisent la majorité des caisses de compensation, dont la fonction principale est de collecter les cotisations et de payer les rentes de l'Assurance-vieillesse et survivants ? Qui connaît ces caisses par lesquelles transitent les milliards de l'Etat social ? L'objectif de cette thèse consiste à comprendre les raisons qui ont poussé le patronat helvétique à mettre en oeuvre les politiques de protection sociale, dont il a pourtant toujours essayé de limiter le développement. Résoudre ce paradoxe implique de se pencher sur près d'un siècle d'histoire mêlée du patronat et des politiques sociales. Ce travail retrace, sur la base d'archives privées et publiques souvent inédites, les raisons qui ont poussé les patrons à créer les premières caisses de compensation dans l'entre-deux-guerres, puis à imposer cette forme d'organisation pour l'aide aux soldats mobilisés (autour de 1940) et l'Assurance- vieillesse et survivants (autour de 1948). Il étudie également comment les associations patronales sont parvenues à défendre leurs caisses jusqu'à aujourd'hui, contre ceux qui dénonçaient l'irrationalité de l'existence d'une centaine de caisses de compensation publiques et privées concurrentes pour mettre en oeuvre un seul système d'assurances sociales. Cette recherche amène deux grands résultats. D'une part, elle propose une histoire originale des politiques sociales en Suisse. Le prisme des caisses de compensation patronales contribue en effet à interroger notre compréhension de l'histoire des politiques de protection sociale, dans laquelle on sous-estime parfois l'importance des conflits pour fixer les frontières entre formes de protection publique et privée. D'autre part, ce travail présente une histoire inédite de l'action collective des patrons dans les régulations du travail au sens large. A travers les caisses de compensation, c'est en effet à réaliser une histoire de l'Union centrale des associations patronales suisses que je me suis aussi attelé. Faute de parvenir à empêcher tout développement des politiques sociales, les patrons ont fait en sorte d'acquérir sur ces politiques une forme de mainmise. Entre histoire des politiques sociales et histoire du patronat, ce travail tente d'expliquer comment les caisses de compensation y ont contribué. Who knows that, in Switzerland, employers' associations implement the best known policies constituting the welfare state? Who knows that the equalization funds, (Caisses de compensation / Ausgleichskassen), organized by employers' associations or by the Swiss Cantons, are responsible for pooling payroll deductions and for paying benefits of the Swiss public pay-as-you-go, old-age insurance and many other branches of the welfare policies? Who knows these caisses de compensation that channel the monies dedicated to the financing of the Welfare state ? The main objective of this research is to understand the reasons why Swiss employers do implement such welfare policies that they usually reject for political reasons. In order to solve this puzzle, this research investigates half of a century of the connected histories of welfare policies and employers' collective action. It also investigates, based on public and private archive records, how employers founded the first caisses in the Interwar period, and imposed them to organize the main developments of the Welfare state during the Second World War. The research also underlines how employers defended their caisses de compensation against those questioning the rationality of this fragmented system aiming to implement one single set of public welfare through one hundred competing private and public caisses de compensation. This research highlights two main results. On the one hand, it helps to improve our understanding of the history of the welfare policies in Switzerland. Underlining the role of the caisses de compensation helps to highlight the importance of the interplay of public and private actors regarding social polices. On the other hand, this research charts a pioneering history of Swiss' employers' collective action regarding labor issues. Because they could not prevent all public welfare policy, employers achieved a form of stranglehold (mainmise) on the welfare State. Halfway between social policy and employers' associations' history, this research try to reveal how their caisses de compensation helped them in this objective.

Repression and Protest Structural Models and Strategic Interactions

The recent wave of upheavals and revolts in Northern Africa and the Middle East goes back to an old question often raised by theories of collective action: does repression act as a negative or positive incentive for further mobilization? Through a review of the vast literature devoted to this question, this article aims to go beyond theoretical and methodological dead-ends. The article moves on to non-Western settings in order to better understand, via a macro-sociological and dynamic approach, the causal effects between mobilizations and repression. It pleads for a meso- and micro-level approach to this issue: an approach that puts analytical emphasis both on protest organizations and on individual activists' careers.

Identity, immigration, and prejudice in Europe: a recognition approach

Social identity is a double-edged sword. On the one hand, identifying with a social group is a prerequisite for the sharing of common norms and values, solidarity, and collective action. On the other hand, in-group identification often goes together with prejudice and discrimination. Today, these two sides of social identification underlie contradictory trends in the way European nations and European nationals relate to immigrants and immigration. Most European countries are becoming increasingly multicultural, and anti-discrimination laws have been adopted throughout the European Union, demonstrating a normative shift towards more social inclusion and tolerance. At the same time, racist and xenophobic attitudes still shape social relations, individual as well as collective behaviour (both informal and institutional), and political positions throughout Europe. The starting point for this chapter is Sanchez-Mazas' (2004) interactionist approach to the study of racism and xenophobia, which in turn builds on Axel Honneth's (1996) philosophical theory of recognition. In this view, the origin of attitudes towards immigrants cannot be located in one or the other group, but in a dynamic of mutual influence. Sanchez-Mazas' approach is used as a general framework into which we integrate social psychological approaches of prejudice and recent empirical findings examining minority-majority relations. We particularly focus on the role of national and European identities as antecedents of anti-immigrant attitudes held by national majorities. Minorities' reactions to denials of recognition are also examined. We conclude by delineating possible social and political responses to prejudice towards immigrants.

Reputation based on punishment rather than generosity allows for evolution of cooperation in sizable groups

Cooperation among unrelated individuals can arise if decisions to help others can be based on reputation. While working for dyadic interactions, reputation-use in social dilemmas involving many individuals (e.g. public goods games) becomes increasingly difficult as groups become larger and errors more frequent. Reputation is therefore believed to have played a minor role for the evolution of cooperation in collective action dilemmas such as those faced by early humans. Here, we show in computer simulations that a reputation system based on punitive actions can overcome these problems and, compared to reputation system based on generous actions, (i) is more likely to lead to the evolution of cooperation in sizable groups, (ii) more effectively sustains cooperation within larger groups, and (iii) is more robust to errors in reputation assessment. Punishment and punishment reputation could therefore have played crucial roles in the evolution of cooperation within larger groups of humans.

Identifications multiples à des groupes de statut différent et changement social

Le but de cette thèse est d'étudier l'impact d'une appartenance groupale jouissant d'un supérieur dans la hiérarchie sociale sur la volonté de participer à des actions collectives en faveur d'une appartenance groupale désavantagée. Selon la Théorie de l'Identité Sociale, les individus sont en effet membres de plusieurs groupes simultanément, qui constituent autant d'identités sociales potentielles. Comme l'ont montré les recherches en sociologie du genre s'inscrivant dans le courant intersectionnel, les diverses catégories sociales auxquelles une personne appartient peuvent se trouver dans des positions différentes dans la hiérarchie sociale, plaçant ainsi les individus à l'intersection de divers rapports de domination. Toutefois, ces rapports ne sont pas indépendants les uns des autres, mais interagissent et contribuent conjointement à construire une façon spécifique de vivre et de percevoir l'expérience de la domination. Globalement, notre thèse montre que lorsque deux endogroupes dotés de statuts différents sont simultanément saillants, les individus tendent à agir prioritairement en accord avec les intérêts de l'endogroupe dont le statut est le plus élevé, au détriment de l'endogroupe dont le statut est le plus bas : les individus tendent en effet à adhérer à des idéologies qui contribuent à légitimer le maintien des inégalités intergroupes, ce qui a pour conséquence de réduire leur volonté de participer à des actions collectives en faveur de leur endogroupe de statut inférieur. - This thesis focuses on the impact of a high status ingroup on willingness to participate in collective action in favour of a low status ingroup. According to Social Identity Theory, individuals are members of various groups, each of which is a potential social identity. Moreover, the feminist sociological theory of intersectionality suggests that these various ingroups can occupy different positions in social hierarchies, placing individuals at the intersection of various relations of domination. However, these relations do not act independently of one another, but interrelate, and shape a specific way to live and perceive the experiences of domination. On the whole, our thesis shows that when two ingroups with different statuses are salient, people tend to acts uppermost in compliance with the higher status group interest, to the detriment of the lower status group : Indeed, people tend to agree with ideologies that contribute to legitimate the perpetuation of intergroup inequalities. Consequently their willingness to participate in collective action in favor of their low-status group is reduced.

Unconventional Determinants of Greenhouse Gas Emissions: The Role of Trust

[cat] Les normes socials han estat incloses en la teoria de l’acció col.lectiva per a superar les dificultats per explicar perquè la gestió del béns comuns podria ser més efectiva quan s’autoregula per les mateixes comunitats. El paper rellevant de la confiança en els altres s’ha identificat en diversos contextos d’acció social a nivell local, però només recentment s’ha considerat la idea que també podria ser rellevant en el cas de béns comuns de caire global, seguint l’evidència bàsicament descriptiva recollida per Elinor Ostrom. Però fins ara no hi havia proves quantitatives disponibles d’aquesta idea. Utilitzant un conjunt de dades de 29 països europeus durant el període 1990-2007, donem evidència empírica a favor del paper del nivell de confiança en els altres en el context dels béns públics globals. Concloem que el nivell de confiança en els altres té un impacte reductor de les emissions de gasos d’efecte hivernacle; per exemple, l’extrapolació dels resultats implicaria una reducció d’emissions d’Espanya del 12,5% si el nivell mitjà de confiança en els altres dels espanyols fos tan elevat com els dels suecs.