993 resultados para Buse pattue--Écologie--Nunavut--Bylot, Île


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Poussée par une croissance économique rapide ces trente dernières années, la demande chinoise en matières premières a considérablement augmenté au cours de cette période. Premier importateur mondial de nombreux minerais depuis le début du XXIe siècle, la Chine, qui n’est pas un État côtier de l’Arctique, semble attentive au potentiel économique de la région, et notamment en ce qui a trait à l’exploitation des gisements miniers. Avec l’ouverture relative des accès maritimes à travers les passages arctiques, les entreprises chinoises seraient en mesure d’effectuer des économies sur les coûts de transport et pourraient plus aisément accéder aux gisements miniers du Groenland et de l’Arctique canadien. La montée en puissance de l’économie chinoise, qui s’est concrétisée depuis le début du siècle, son affirmation politique sur la scène mondiale, et sa diplomatie des ressources perçue comme agressive a contribué à développer une perception négative de la Chine au sein des opinions publiques canadiennes, danoises, groenlandaises, et islandaises. Dans un contexte de débats et d’inquiétudes sur les questions de souveraineté dans l’Arctique, les presses canadiennes, groenlandaises et danoises ont contribué à construire, dans leurs opinions publiques respectives ces dernières années, une certaine sinophobie face aux investissements directs à l’étranger chinois, qui débutent réellement en 2005. Par exemple, un sondage mené en 2015 par l’Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada faisait ressortir que près de 76% de la population canadienne était hostile à l’acquisition d’entreprises canadiennes par des entreprises chinoises, tous secteurs confondus. Au Groenland, la perspective d’opérations minières dirigées par des entreprises chinoises a provoqué l’ire des médias danois et groenlandais. Alors que certains dénoncent une stratégie géopolitique chinoise plus large dans cette région du monde, d’autres mettent l’accent sur les implications de la venue de nombreux travailleurs chinois, de même que sur les questions d’une Chine cherchant à assurer un accès à long terme aux ressources de la région, prétextant que le Groenland serait une région d’investissement majeur pour les entreprises chinoises. La Chine, par l’entremise de ses entreprises, chercherait-elle à faire main basse sur les ressources minières de l’Arctique ? L’Arctique canadien, le Groenland et le Grand Nord québécois sont-ils des territoires d’investissements majeurs pour les entreprises chinoises ? Comment les facteurs qui déterminent les choix des entreprises chinoises se sont-ils traduits dans l’Arctique ? Dans le cadre de cette recherche, trente-six entreprises et organes du gouvernement ont été consultés. Les résultats de l’enquête soulignent que ces territoires ne sont pas des régions où les entreprises chinoises investissent d’importantes sommes, mais demeurent attractifs en raison de la stabilité politique et du climat compétitif des affaires qui y règnent, ainsi que pour la qualité des ressources physiques qu’on y retrouve. Cependant, les acteurs chinois soulignent d’importants défis tels que le déficit en matière d’infrastructures maritimes et de communication dans l’Arctique, le manque d’informations sur les opportunités d’affaires, c’est le cas des projets disponibles au Groenland notamment, et les acteurs chinois soulignent également leur manque d’expérience à l’international, de même que le coût et la disponibilité de la main-d’oeuvre comme des défis importants pour les entreprises chinoises. En somme, les investissements des entreprises chinoises dans des projets miniers dans l’Arctique canadien et au Groenland s’insèrent, certes, dans les stratégies globales des entreprises chinoises qui visent à diversifier et sécuriser leurs sources d’approvisionnements. En revanche, s’il apparaît que les territoires arctiques ne sont pas des régions d’investissements majeurs pour les entreprises chinoises dans le secteur extractif, les acteurs chinois sondés raisonnent, de manière générale, selon une logique de marché et recherchent donc, pour la plupart, à assurer la rentabilité de leur entreprise par la réalisation de gains. Outre les fluctuations des prix des matières premières sur les marchés mondiaux qui affectent grandement les opérations minières globales, de nombreux facteurs dans l’Arctique tels que l’éloignement, les conditions météorologiques extrêmes, et le manque d’infrastructures augmentent considérablement le coût de faire des affaires dans le secteur minier dans l’Arctique, qui demeure un marché niche.

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The gardens of Versailles are a prime example of the beauty that can be attained where art and horticulture meld on a truly grand scale. Carrying on that tradition in the former veggie garden of the French palace is one of the world's most prestigious landscape architecture schools. Julian Raxworthy, a senior lecturer in landscape architecture at Queensland University of Technology recently taught a workshop at the Versailles school. As he explains, the concepts that underlie the school's teaching and the formal grandeur of the gardens of Versailles continue to be as innovative and relevant today as they were in the 17th century.

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De récentes recherches ont mis l’accent sur l’importance pour les nouvelles entreprises internationales de l’existence de ressources et de compétences spécifiques. La présente recherche, qui s’inscrit dans ce courant, montre en particulier l’importance du capital humain acquis par les entrepreneurs sur base de leur expérience internationale passée. Mais nous montrons en même temps que ces organisations sont soutenues par une intention délibérée d’internationalisation dès l’origine. Notre recherche empirique est basée sur l’analyse d’un échantillon de 466 nouvelles entreprises de hautes technologies anglaises et allemandes. Nous montrons que ce capital humain est un actif qui facilite la pénétration rapide des marchés étrangers, et plus encore quand l’entreprise nouvelle est accompagnée d’une intention stratégique délibérée d’internationalisation. Des conclusions similaires peuvent être étendues au niveau des ressources que l’entrepreneur consacre à la start-up : plus ces ressources sont importantes, plus le processus d’internationalisation tend à se faire à grande échelle ; et là aussi, l’influence de ces ressources est augmenté par l’intention stratégique d’internationalisation. Dans le cadre des études empiriques sur les born-globals (entreprises qui démarrent sur un marché globalisé), cette recherche fournit une des premières études empiriques reliant l’influence des conditions initiales de création aux probabilités de croissance internationale rapide.

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Paesaggio ed infrastrutture viarie sono un binomio molto forte: il primo ha insito il concetto di accessibilità, in quanto non può esistere senza la presenza di un osservatore; la strada, invece, trova i fattori che la connotano nel suo rapporto con la morfologia su cui insiste. Le infrastrutture viarie sono elemento strutturale e strutturante non solo di un territorio, ma anche di un paesaggio. Le attuali esigenze di mobilità portano oggi a ripensare ed adeguare molte infrastrutture viarie: laddove è possibile si potenziano le strutture esistenti, in diversi casi si ricorre a nuovi tracciati o a varianti di percorso. Porsi il problema di conservare itinerari testimoni della cultura materiale ed economica di una società implica considerazioni articolate, che travalicano i limiti del sedime: una via è un organismo più complesso della semplice linea di trasporto in quanto implica tutta una serie di manufatti a supporto della mobilità e soprattutto il corridoio infrastrutturale che genera e caratterizza, ovvero una porzione variabile di territorio definita sia dal tracciato che dalla morfologia del contesto. L’evoluzione dei modelli produttivi ed economici, che oggi porta quote sempre maggiori di popolazione a passare un tempo sempre minore all’interno del proprio alloggio, rende la riflessione sulle infrastrutture viarie dismesse o declassate occasione per la progettazione di spazi per l’abitare collettivo inseriti in contesti paesaggistici, tanto urbani che rurali, tramite reti di percorsi pensate per assorbire tagli di mobilità specifici e peculiari. Partendo da queste riflessioni la Tesi si articola in: Individuazioni del contesto teorico e pratico: Lo studio mette in evidenza come la questione delle infrastrutture viarie e del loro rapporto con il paesaggio implichi riflessioni incrociate a diversi livelli e tramite diverse discipline. La definizione dello spazio fisico della strada passa infatti per la costruzione di un itinerario, un viaggio che si appoggia tanto ad elementi fisici quanto simbolici. La via è un organismo complesso che travalica il proprio sedime per coinvolgere una porzione ampia di territorio, un corridoio variabile ed articolato in funzione del paesaggio attraversato. Lo studio propone diverse chiavi di lettura, mettendo in luce le possibili declinazioni del tema, in funzione del taglio modale, del rapporto con il contesto, del regime giuridico, delle implicazioni urbanistiche e sociali. La mobilità dolce viene individuata quale possibile modalità di riuso, tutela e recupero, del patrimonio diffuso costituito dalle diversi reti di viabilità. Antologia di casi studio: Il corpo principale dello studio si basa sulla raccolta, analisi e studio dello stato dell’arte nel settore; gli esempi raccolti sono presentati in due sezioni: la prima dedicata alle esperienze più significative ed articolate, che affrontano il recupero delle infrastrutture viarie a più livelli ed in modo avanzato non concentrandosi solo sulla conversione del sedime, ma proponendo un progetto che coinvolga tutto il corridoio attraversato dall’infrastruttura; la seconda parte illustra la pratica corrente nelle diverse realtà nazionali, ponendo in evidenza similitudini e differenze tra i vari approcci.

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Report and narrative on the history of the Brisbane chapter of the International Game Developers Association (IGDA) for the Australian issue of the IGDA Perspectives monthly newsletter.

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Imperial roads. The Italian colonial routes and their relationship with 1920-40 manuals

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What is the secret mesmerism that death possesses and under the operation of which a modern architect – strident, confident, resolute – becomes rueful, pessimistic, or melancholic?1 Five years before Le Corbusier’s death at sea in 1965, the architect reluctantly agreed to adopt the project for L’Église Saint-Pierre de Firminy in Firminy-Vert (1960–2006), following the death of its original architect, André Sive, from leukemia in 1958.2 Le Corbusier had already developed, in 1956, the plan for an enclave in the new “green” Firminy town, which included his youth and culture center and a stadium and swimming pool; the church and a “boîte à miracles” near the youth center were inserted into the plan in the ’60s. (Le Corbusier was also invited, in 1962, to produce another plan for three Unités d’Habitation outside Firminy-Vert.) The Saint-Pierre church should have been the zenith of the quartet (the largest urban concentration of works by Le Corbusier in Europe, and what the architect Henri Ciriani termed Le Corbusier’s “acropolis”3) but in the early course of the project, Le Corbusier would suffer the diocese’s serial objections to his vision for the church – not unlike the difficulties he experienced with Notre Dame du Haut at Ronchamp (1950–1954) and the resistance to his proposed monastery of Sainte-Marie de la Tourette (1957–1960). In 1964, the bishop of Saint-Étienne requested that Le Corbusier relocate the church to a new site, but Le Corbusier refused and the diocese subsequently withdrew from the project. (With neither the approval, funds, nor the participation of the bishop, by then the cardinal archbishop of Lyon, the first stone of the church was finally laid on the site in 1970.) Le Corbusier’s ambivalence toward the project, even prior to his quarrels with the bishop, reveals...

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Cette présentation met en avant la Théorie des Littératies Multiples (TLM) et l’importance de lire, lire le monde et se lire, dans le but de se transformer en contexte plurilingue. La première partie de cette communication sera consacrée à la présentation des principes fondamentaux de la TLM. Il est vrai que la littératie valorisée par l’école est souvent celle qui est la plus prisée dans la recherche et l’enseignement. La TLM enlève la littératie scolaire de sa place privilégiée et l’insère dans un agencement de littératies au foyer, à l’école et dans la communauté. Les littératies, en tant que construit renvoient aux mots, aux gestes, aux attitudes, ou plus exactement, aux façons de parler, de lire, d’écrire et de valoriser les réalités de la vie. Elles sont une façon de devenir avec le monde. Les littératies constituent des textes au sens large (comme par exemple, la musique, l’art, la physique et les athématiques) qui peuvent être visuels,oraux, écrits, tactiles,olfactifs ou numériques. Elles se fusionnent aux contextes sociopolitiques, culturels, économiques, genrés et racialisés, qui de par leur caractère mobile et fluide transforment les littératies génératrices de locuteurs, de scripteurs, d’artistes, d’ava tars et de communautés. Les littératies prennent leur sens en contexte, dans le temps et l’espace où on se trouve De ce fait, leur actualisation n’est pas prédéterminée et est imprévisible. La TLM s’intéresse aux rôles joués par les littératies. Lire, lire le monde et se lire a pour fonction importante entre autres de transformer une vie, une communauté et une société. La deuxième partie de cette communication sera consacrée à un projet de recherche ayant pour objectif d’explorer la façon dont des enfants acquièrent simultanément deux ou plusieurs systèmes d’écriture. Des enfants âgés de 5 à 8 ans ont participé à des activités filmées en salle de classe, au foyer et dans leur quartier. Puis des entretiens ont été menés avec les enfants, leurs parents et leurs enseignants. Ce projet nous permet de mieux saisir ce que signifient en contexte plurilingue les littératies en tant que processus. Le projet s’intéresse à ce qu’implique lire, lire le monde et se lire à l’école, au foyer et dans la communauté. Dans une société pluraliste, nous sommes plus que jamais ensibilisés aux contextes particuliers dans lesquels lire, lire le monde et se lire s’actualisent, qu’il s’agisse d’un nouvel arrivant ou d’une personne vivant en milieu minoritaire.

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In a letter to a close friend dated April 1922 Le Corbusier announced that he was to publish his first major book, Architecture et révolution, which would collect “a set ofarticles from L’EN.”1—L’Esprit nouveau, the revue jointly edited by him and painter Amédée Ozenfant, which ran from 1920 to 1925.2 A year later, Le Corbusier sketched a book cover design featuring “LE CORBUSIER - SAUGNIER,” the pseudonymic compound of Pierre Jeanneret and Ozenfant, above a square-framed single-point perspective of a square tunnel vanishing toward the horizon. Occupying the lower half of the frame was the book’s provisional title in large handwritten capital letters, ARCHITECTURE OU RÉVOLUTION, each word on a separate line, the “ou” a laconic inflection of Paul Laffitte’s proposed title, effected by Le Corbusier.3 Laffitte was one of two publishers Le Corbusier was courting between 1921 and 1922.4 An advertisement for the book, with the title finally settled upon, Vers une architecture, 5 was solicited for L’Esprit nouveau number 18. This was the original title conceived with Ozenfant, and had in fact already appeared in two earlier announcements.6 “Architecture ou révolution” was retained as the name of the book’s crucial and final chapter—the culmination of six chapters extracted from essays in L’Esprit nouveau. This chapter contained the most quoted passage in Vers une architecture, used by numerous scholars to adduce Le Corbusier’s political sentiment in 1923 to the extent of becoming axiomatic of his early political thought.7 Interestingly, it is the only chapter that was not published in L’Esprit nouveau, owing to a hiatus in the journal’s production from June 1922 to November 1923.8 An agitprop pamphlet was produced in 1922, after L’Esprit nouveau 11-12, advertising an imminent issue “Architecture ou révolution” with the famous warning: “the housing crisis will lead to the revolution. Worry about housing.”9

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Extending recent research on the importance of specific resources and skills for the internationalization of start-ups, this article tests a negative binomial model on a sample of 520 recently created high technology firms from the UK and Germany. The results show that previous international experience of entrepreneurs facilitates the rapid penetration of foreign markets, especially when the company features a clear and deliberate strategic intent of internationalization from the outset. This research provides one of the first empirical studies linking the influence of entrepreneurial teams to a high probability of success in the internationalization of high-technology ventures.

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On 9 January 1927 Le Corbusier materialised on the front cover of the Faisceau journal edited by Georges Valois Le Nouveau Siècle which printed the single-point perspective of Le Corbusier’s Plan Voisin and an extract from the architect’s discourse in Urbanisme. In May Le Corbusier presented slides of his urban designs at a fascist rally. These facts have been known ever since the late 1980s when studies emerged in art history that situated Le Corbusier’s philosophy in relation to the birth of twentieth-century fascism in France—an elision in the dominant reading of Le Corbusier’s philosophy, as a project of social utopianism, whose received genealogy is Saint-Simon and Charles Fourier. Le Corbusier participated with the first group in France to call itself fascist, Valois’s militant Faisceau des Combattants et Producteurs, the “Blue Shirts,” inspired by the Italian “Fasci” of Mussolini. Thanks to Mark Antliff, we know the Faisceau did not misappropriate Le Corbusier’s plans, in some remote quasi-symbolic sense, rather Valois’s organisation was premised on the redesign of Paris based on Le Corbusier’s schematic designs. Le Corbusier’s Urbanisme was considered the “prodigious” model for the fascist state Valois called La Cité Française – after his mentor the anarcho-syndicalist Georges Sorel. Valois stated that Le Corbusier’s architectural concepts were “an expression of our profoundest thoughts,” the Faisceau, who “saw their own thought materialized” on the pages of Le Corbusier’s plans. The question I pose is, In what sense is Le Corbusier’s plan a complete representation of La Cité? For Valois, the fascist city “represents the collective will of La Cité” invoking Enlightenment philosophy, operative in Sorel, namely Rousseau, for whom the notion of “collective will” is linked to the idea of political representation: to ‘stand in’ for someone or a group of subjects i.e. the majority vote. The figures in Voisin are not empty abstractions but the result of “the will” of the “combatant-producers” who build the town. Yet, the paradox in anarcho-syndicalist anti-enlightenment thought – and one that became a problem for Le Corbusier – is precisely that of authority and representation. In Le Corbusier’s plan, the “morality of the producers” and “the master” (the transcendent authority that hovers above La Cité) is lattened into a single picture plane, thereby abolishing representation. I argue that La Cité pushed to the limits of formal abstraction by Le Corbusier thereby reverts to the Enlightenment myth it first opposed, what Theodor Adorno would call the dialectic of enlightenment.

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The Jericho kimberlite (173.1. ±. 1.3. Ma) is a small (~. 130. ×. 70. m), multi-vent system that preserves products from deep (>. 1. km?) portions of kimberlite vents. Pit mapping, drill core examination, petrographic study, image analysis of olivine crystals (grain size distributions and shape studies), and compositional and mineralogical studies, are used to reconstruct processes from near-surface magma ascent to kimberlite emplacement and alteration. The Jericho kimberlite formed by multiple eruptions through an Archean granodiorite batholith that was overlain by mid-Devonian limestones ~. 1. km in thickness. Kimberlite magma ascended through granodiorite basement by dyke propagation but ascended through limestone, at least in part, by locally brecciating the host rocks. After the first explosive breakthrough to surface, vent deepening and widening occurred by the erosive forces of the waxing phase of the eruption, by gravitationally induced failures as portions of the vent margins slid into the vent and, in the deeper portions of the vent (>. 1. km), by scaling, as thin slabs burst from the walls into the vent. At currently exposed levels, coherent kimberlite (CK) dykes (<. 40. cm thick) are found to the north and south of the vent complex and represent the earliest preserved in-situ products of Jericho magmatism. Timing of CK emplacement on the eastern side of the vent complex is unclear; some thick CK (15-20. m) may have been emplaced after the central vent was formed. Explosive eruptive products are preserved in four partially overlapping vents that are roughly aligned along strike with the coherent kimberlite dyke. The volcaniclastic kimberlite (VK) facies are massive and poorly sorted, with matrix- to clast-supported textures. The VK facies fragmented by dry, volatile-driven processes and were emplaced by eruption column collapse back into the volcanic vents. The first explosive products, poorly preserved because of partial destruction by later eruptions, are found in the central-east vent and were formed by eruption column collapse after the vent was largely cleared of country rock debris. The next active vent was either the north or south vent. Collapse of the eruption column, linked to a vent widening episode, resulted in coeval avalanching of pipe margin walls into the north vent, forming interstratified lenses of country rock-rich boulder breccias in finer-grained volcaniclastic kimberlite. South vent kimberlite has similar characteristics to kimberlite of the north vent and likely formed by similar processes. The final eruptive phase formed olivine-rich and moderately sorted deposits of the central vent. Better sorting is attributed to recycling of kimberlite debris by multiple eruptions through the unconsolidated volcaniclastic pile and associated collapse events. Post-emplacement alteration varies in intensity, but in all cases, has overprinted the primary groundmass and matrix, in CK and VK, respectively. Erosion has since removed all limestone cover.

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The Jurassic Muskox and Jericho kimberlites (Northern Slave Province, Nunavut, Canada) contain a variety of facies exhibiting different geometries, contact relationships, internal organisation, country rock abundance and olivine shapes, although many have similar matrix/groundmass mineralogies and textures. Five facies are examined that either have characteristics consistent with coherent rocks in general (i.e. intrusive and extrusive non-fragmental rocks) or are mineralogically and texturally similar to kimberlite described as coherent (or apparent coherent). Three facies are interpreted as coherent on the basis of: (1) geological setting, (2) apparent-porphyritic texture, (3) sharp contacts with fragmental kimberlite, (4) relative abundance of elongate and unbroken olivine crystals and (5) paucity of country rock xenoliths, while the remaining two facies are interpreted as fragmental on the basis of: (1) the gradational contacts with demonstrably fragmental kimberlite, (2) relative abundance and range of sizes of country rock lithic clasts and (3) numerous broken olivine crystals. Comparisons are made with coherent and apparent-coherent kimberlite from the literature. Our three coherent facies are similar to literature reported coherent kimberlite dykes hosted in country rock (CKd) in terms of internal organisation, low abundance of country rock xenoliths, and apparent-porphyritic texture. Conversely, our two fragmental facies share attributes with previously described pipe-filling coherent and apparent-coherent kimberlite (CKpf) in terms of geometry, internal organisation and abundance of country rock xenoliths. We conclude that CKd and most CKpf, although similar in matrix/groundmass mineralogy and texture, can be distinguished on the basis of internal organisation, country rock lithic clast abundance, texture (e.g. apparent-porphyritic texture) and possibly olivine crystal shapes and suggest that fragmental kimberlite is more common than reported.