984 resultados para Bernstein, Eduard, 1850-1932.


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Bernard Bernstein collection documents professional activities of Bernard Bernstein, a jeweler, metal smith, writer, and teacher. The collection includes artifacts, correspondence, documents, manuscripts, printed materials, photographs, other visual materials, and sketches.The larger part of the collection includes materials dealing with the artistic side of Bernard Bernstein. These materials are found throughout the collection and consist of artifacts produced during his schooling at City College (Series I: Artifacts), various jewelry designs produced by Bernard Bernstein for commercial use (Series III: Designs), certificates and awards (Series V: General), and materials pertaining to a number of shows and exhibits that Bernard Bernstein was a part of (Series IV: Exhibitions and Art Catalogues).Other materials include documents pertaining to Bernard Bernstein education, professional carrier as a teacher ( Series II: City College of the City University of New York, Series V: General), and his articles in professional journals (Series VI: Printed Materials).In some cases materials are accompanied by Bernard Bernstein’s notes explaining the significance and provenance of the documents.

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Correspondence, clippings, manuscripts, notes, reports, relating to Bernstein's journalistic, literary and diplomatic careers. Correspondence with well-known literary, political and communal, society personalities, 1908-1935. Includes Cyrus Adler, Viscount Allenby, Joseph Barondess, Bernard Baruch, Henri Bergson, Hayyim Nahman Bialik, Jacob Billikopf, Vladimir Bourtzeff, Louis Brandeis, Robert Cecil, Fyodor Chaliapin, Jacob de Haas, Albert Einstein, Henry Ford, Felix Frankfurter, Herbert Hoover, Vladimir Jabotinsky, Horace M. Kallen, Peretz Hirschbein, Peter Kropotkin, Herbert Lehman, Louis Lipsky, Judah L. Magnes, Louis Marshall, Henry Morgenthau, Max Nordau, Adolph Simon Ochs, David de Sola Pool, Bernard G. Richards, Theodore Roosevelt, Julius Rosenwald, Jacob Schiff, Harry Schneiderman, Maurice Schwartz, George Bernard Shaw, Sholem Aleichem, Nathan Straus, Henrietta Szold, Chaim Tchernowitz, Leo Tolstoy, Samuel Untermyer, Henry Van Dyke, Lillian Wald, Felix Warburg, Chaim Weizman n, Jefferson Williams, Stephen Wise, Israel Zangwill. Correspondence and other materials relating to Bernstein's post as U.S. ambassador to Albania. Materials pertaining to Bernstein's editorial work at *The Day*, *Jewish Tribune*, *New York Herald*, *Jewish Daily Bulletin*. Materials pertaining to Bernstein's involvement with the American Jewish Committee. Correspondence with organizations including American Jewish Congress, *American Hebrew*, HIAS, *Jewish Chronicle* (London), Jewish Community of New York, *Menorah Journal*, *New York American*, *New York Times*, ORT, U.S. Dept. of State, Yiddish Art Theater, Zionist Organization of America. Articles, clippings, correspondence and court materials relating to the Ford libel suit. Miscellaneous documents and reports relating to the Paris Peace Conference, the Jewish situation in Russia, 1917-1920, Russian revolutionary events of 1917. News dispatches from Russia, 1917-1920s. Translations by Bernstein of Russian wri Andre yev,

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Contains printed copies of the 1860 constitution and by-laws, copies of proceedings and annual reports, 1859-1877, of the Board of Delegates; report on Jews in Roumania, an 1874 annual report of the Hebrew Benevolent and Orphan Asylum Society, manuscript minute books and minutes of meetings, 1859-1876, resolutions, executive, financial, ritual slaughtering and other special committee reports, newspaper clippings and correspondence with synagogues and organizations in the U.S. who constitute the membership of the Board of Delegates, with the Union of American Hebrew Congregations with whom they later merged, the Union's Board of Delegates of Civil and Religious Rights, and with individuals and organizations in foreign countries including the Alliance Israelite Universelle, the Anglo-Jewish Association, the Board of Deputies of British Jews, the Committee for the Roumanian Jews (Berlin), the Koenigsberg Committee, and the London Roumanian Committee.

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Jewish organization executive. Primarily autographs, photos, writings, speeches, and biographical material, collected by Bisno, relating to ca. 120 Jews who have attained prominence in American public life; together with papers (1923-32) from Congregation Talmud Torah of Los Angeles, letters (1928-37) relating to other Jewish organizations in Los Angeles, and 3 letters of Stephen S. Wise, dealing with the general Jewish situation in Europe in 1933 and with the question of Jewish participation in the 1936 Olympic games. Persons represented include Benjamin N. Cardozo, Abe Fortas, Felix Frankfurter, Henry Horner, Herbert H. Lehman, and Lewis L. Strauss.

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Contains Deed of Trust, By-Laws, Annual Reports, Corporation Minutes (1909, 1913-1919, 1923-1924, 1926-1933), Minutes of the Board of Trustees (1893, 1899, 1907, 1910, 1915-1916, 1918, 1923, 1926-1927, 1930-1933), and the minutes, correspondence, and reports of the various national and local committees. Financial materials include income and expenditure records (1891-1933), audits (1919-1923, 1926-1928), the records of agricultural loans and mortgages, bond and real estate holdings, and bequests. Includes also correspondence and other materials regarding the establishment of the Fund, correspondence of and other papers concerning the Baron and Baroness de Hirsch, and several histories of the Fund. Included in the wide range of activities are material on the work of the Agriculture Bureau and the Jewish Agriculture Society, Housing, English Classes, Immigration (including monthly reports for several ports of entry 1885-1916) and Immigrant Aid, German Refugee Aid in the early years of the Holocaust, Kings Park, N.Y. Test Farm, the Laundry Project, Peekskill Farm, Public Baths, Student Loans, the Baron de Hirsch Trade School, and the Woodbine Colony and Baron De Hirsch Agricultural & Industrial School. Contains also materials on the Colonization attempts made in Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Louisiana, Michigan, Minnesota, North Dakota, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Galveston, Texas, The Southwest, Washington, Canada, and Mexico.

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Zeitschrift K.C. Blaetter (1932-1933); Festschrift of K.C., New York, 1946; Literaturwegweiser fuer den K.C., Berlin 1926; Hochschulhefte, 1921; misc. printings and publications of the K.C. including fraternity postcards with logos; clipping about the voyage of ship to St. Louis (1939).

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Documents related to Ulla Brode, née Beradt and her family.

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Gisela Simon, née Stern was born 1931, the daughter of the butcher Louis Stern (born 1891 in Abterode) and Gertrud Stern née Fackenheim (born 1898 in Halle a.d.S.). The family was deported to Theresienstadt in 1942 and immigrated to the United States after liberation.

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Letters from Max Warburg (May 1938) and Otto Hirsch (March 1939), thanking him for his contributions to Reichsvertretung and Hilfsverein. Also included are pages from a Jewish calendar for Wuerttemberg 1932/33.

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Whereas it has been widely assumed in the public that the Soviet music policy system had a “top-down” structure of control and command that directly affected musical creativity, in fact my research shows that the relations between the different levels of the music policy system were vague, and the viewpoints of its representatives differed from each other. Because the representatives of the party and government organs controlling operas could not define which kind of music represented Socialist Realism, the system as it developed during the 1930s and 1940s did not function effectively enough in order to create such a centralised control of Soviet music, still less could Soviet operas fulfil the highly ambiguous aesthetics of Socialist Realism. I show that musical discussions developed as bureaucratic ritualistic arenas, where it became more important to reveal the heretical composers, making scapegoats of them, and requiring them to perform self-criticism, than to give directions on how to reach the artistic goals of Socialist Realism. When one opera was found to be unacceptable, this lead to a strengthening of control by the party leadership, which lead to more operas, one after the other, to be revealed as failures. I have studied the control of the composition, staging and reception of the opera case-studies, which remain obscure in the West despite a growing scholarly interest in them, and have created a detailed picture of the foundation and development of the Soviet music control system in 1932-1950. My detailed discussion of such case-studies as Ivan Dzerzhinskii’s The Quiet Don, Dmitrii Shostakovich’s Lady Macbeth of Mtsensk District, Vano Muradeli’s The Great Friendship, Sergei Prokofiev’s Story of a Real Man, Tikhon Khrennikov’s Frol Skobeev and Evgenii Zhukovskii’s From All One’s Heart backs with documentary precision the historically revisionist model of the development of Soviet music. In February 1948, composers belonging to the elite of the Union of Soviet Composers, e.g. Dmitri Shostakovich and Sergei Prokofiev, were accused in a Central Committee Resolution of formalism, as been under the influence of western modernism. Accusations of formalism were connected to the criticism of the conciderable financial, material and social privileges these composers enjoyed in the leadership of the Union. With my new archival findings I give a more detailed picture of the financial background for the 1948 campaign. The independent position of the music funding organization of the Union of Soviet Composers (Muzfond) to decide on its finances was an exceptional phenomenon in the Soviet Union and contradicted the strivings to strengthen the control of Soviet music. The financial audits of the Union of Soviet Composers did not, however, change the elite status of some of its composers, except for maybe a short duration in some cases. At the same time the independence of the significal financial authorities of Soviet theatres was restricted. The cuts in the governmental funding allocated to Soviet theatres contradicted the intensified ideological demands for Soviet operas.

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Ukrainan presidentiksi nousi ns. oranssin vallankumouksen nosteessa Viktor Justsenko. Hänen presidenttikaudellaan (2005-2010) vuosien 1932-33 nälänhätä (holodomor) nousi keskeiseksi sekä sisä-, että ulkopolitiikan teemaksi. Holodomor, joka viittaa nälällä aiheutettuun tuhoon, pyrittiin tuomaan osaksi ukrainalaista kollektiivista muistia. Justsenkon aloitteesta säädettiin laki, jonka mukaan holodomor oli ukrainalaisten kansanmurha. Vuosina 1932-33 ympäri Neuvostoliittoa vallitsi nälänhätä. Ukrainalainen maaseutu kärsi pahoin nälänhädän seurauksista, sillä eri arvioiden mukaan 3,5-10 miljoonaa ukrainalaista menehtyi joko suoranaisesti tai välillisesti nälänhädän seurauksena. Ukrainan itsenäistyttyä nälänhätä, jota oli diasporassa alettu kutsua holodomoriksi (nälkätuho), nousi kansallisen historian keskeiseksi teemaksi. Ukrainalainen historioitsija Georgi Kasjanov on nimittänyt tätä uutta vaihetta historian kansallistamiseksi. Tässä työssä pohditaan sitä, miksi holodomor nostettiin keskeiseen asemaan presidentti Viktor Justsenkon valtakaudella. Keskeinen vastakkainasettelun lähtökohta on ollut itsenäisen Ukrainan ja Neuvostoliiton seuraajavaltion Venäjän suhtautuminen nälänhätään 1932-33. Ukrainalaisissa näkökulmissa on painottunut stalinistisen järjestelmän kritiikki, mikä toisaalta on saatettu tulkita myös koko kommunistisen aikakauden tuomitsemiseksi. Venäjällä taas nälänhätä on tulkittu useimmiten yleisneuvostoliittolaiseksi tragediaksi, joka ei kohdistunut erityisesti mitään tiettyä kansallisuutta vastaan. Tutkimuksen keskeinen lähtökohta on tarkastella ukrainalaisten ja venäläisten tulkintojen eroja ja sitä, millä tavoin holodomorilla on tehty politiikkaa. Tutkimusaineistona on käytetty ukrainalaisten osalta presidentti Justsenkon puheita, lakialoitteita ja muita julkilausumia, sekä eräiden yhteiskunnallisten toimijoiden ja historioitsijoiden kannanottoja. Venäläisen osapuolen tulkintoja on pyritty luomaan muutamien tutkimusten ja yhteiskunnallisten toimijoiden, sekä poliitikkojen lausumien pohjalta. Suurin osa aineistosta on kerätty venäjänkielisistä verkkolehdistä. Presidentti Justsenkolle vuosien 1932-1933 historiasta muodostui ase, jolla hän kävi omaa poliittista taisteluaan lännen puolesta itää vastaan. Välit Venäjään olivat viileät koko hänen presidenttikautensa ajan. Lähimmäksi presidentin kantaa holodomor-kysymyksessä tulivat diasporaukrainalaiset. Venäjällä kritisoitiin ankarasti Justsenkon tanssia haudoilla eli hänen tapaansa käyttää nälänhädän uhreja oman politiikkansa välineenä. Venäläiset korostivat nälänhädän tragediaa kaikkien Neuvostoliiton kansojen tragediana. Holodomor oli osa kansallisen historian uudelleenkirjoitusta ja kansakunnan rakentamisen prosessia. Justsenkon päämääränä oli lähentää Ukrainaa länteen, jolloin ukrainalaisen kansakunnan uhriasema antoi oikeutuksen sanoutua irti neuvostoajasta. Tietyssä mielessä holodomor-projekti oli venäläisvastainen, sillä se implisiittisesti tuki käsitystä venäläisistä rikollisina, kansanmurhan toimeenpanijoina.

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It is often maintained that the Prohibition Act (in force from 1 June 1919 to 5 April 1932) still influences both the Finnish alcohol policy and notions about alcohol. This study focuses on the development of women s opinions concerning Prohibition in Finland. What role did the formulation and expression of women s opinions and women's actions play in the final outcome of the Prohibition Act? What do the debate on Prohibition and women s activities for and against the legislation tell us about the status and possibilities of women to exert influence in the Finnish society of the Prohibition era? Women s opinions are particularly interesting since they deviated radically from what has generally been assumed. It was expected that the referendum of 1931 would result in a resounding vote of 100% in favour of Prohibition, but the outcome was a majority vote against it. Over 65% of the women who cast their vote in the referendum wanted a full repeal of Prohibition. The study approaches the history of Prohibition by combining methods and theories of the history of mentalities and social history with gender history. Women are examined as a heterogeneous group with dissimilar objectives and differing ways of acting and thinking. The research material consists of press materials, archival materials from organisations, personal materials and statistics from the Prohibition period. Both discourses and practices are examined; the object of the research is best described by Michel Foucault's concept of dispositif. When participating in the public debate on Prohibition, women based their right to express their opinions and take part in action on an ideological continuum spanning a hundred years, according to which home and family were central areas of women s interest. This idea was linked to questions of morality and social policy. On the other hand, women presented themselves as working taxpayers, voters and equal citizens. The most crucial issue in women's discussions was whether Prohibition improved or worsened the temperance of fathers, husbands and sons. The dichotomies town dweller - countryside dweller, Swedish-speaking Finnish-speaking, and middle class - working class were highly significant backgrounds both as factors dividing women and in public discussions regarding Prohibition. The 1931 referendum showed that the lines of demarcation drawn during the preceding debate did not materialise in political action in line with these dichotomies: the dispositif did not correspond to the discourse. Contrary to what was expressed in public, a great number of women among the labour and rural classes, among inland inhabitants and among Finnish-speakers were also against Prohibition. The media and organisations defended temperance and Prohibition almost until the end of the Prohibition era. This discourse was in conflict with the discourse of everyday conversations and practices in which alcohol was present.

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Resumen: Los conceptos de “libertad” y “democracia” que se presentan en los discursos de Monseñor Miguel de Andrea durante los años 1932 y 1946 fueron fundamentales para elaborar una estrategia comunicacional orientada a combatir el comunismo y defender los valores republicanos. Se parte de la premisa de que el discurso es una herramienta primordial para difundir ideas y pensamientos, formar opinión y movilizar a la acción. El carácter excepcional de Miguel de Andrea en el mundo eclesiástico e intelectual de su tiempo lo convierten en una figura clave en la defensa de la Constitución y la democracia del período de entreguerras.

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Consultoria Legislativa - Área XIX - Ciência Política, Sociologia Política e História.

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Parte 1 - Leis