A judicialização das relações de trabalho e o Ministério Público

O Ministério Público do Trabalho (MPT), como parte do sistema judicial brasileiro e integrante do Ministério Público Federal (MPF) é uma organização que se renovou ao longo de sua trajetória cujas bases remontam ao período Vargas. Contrariando a ideia de que a expansão do sistema judicial a partir dos anos oitenta do século XX exprime a continuação da tradição política autoritária brasileira, sob novo registro, a tese aqui desenvolvida demonstra que a nova ordem jurídica inaugurada com a constituição democrática de 1988 renovou tanto as bases de justificação do direito como a estrutura das instituições judiciais. O MPT é um caso singular de apropriação desta nova ordem para detonar o processo de profissionalização de seus membros e converter sua atuação aos novos tempos da democracia política, abandonando a tradição de alinhamento às eventuais ideologias de governo. Isto se explica com a ascensão do profissionalismo nos anos oitenta que permitiu a renovação dos seus meios de ação e a apropriação de um novo equipamento teórico por parte do grupo. O processo de judicialização das relações de trabalho, elemento constitutivo deste próprio campo no Brasil, desde a Era Vargas, é democratizado sob a nova ordem democrática inaugurada em 1988.

A hora da juventude: a mobilização dos jovens no Estado Novo (1940-1945)

Esta dissertação tem como objetivo principal estudar a entidade pública denominada Juventude Brasileira, existente durante o Estado Novo. Nela se inclui entender o papel emprestado aos jovens pelo governo ditatorial de Vargas, especialmente o de uma enorme massa de "jovens espíritos" que se podia "mobilizar" em benefício da Nação e do regime político vigente, em tempo de grave crise provocada pela II Guerra Mundial. É patente a influência de outras organizações juvenis controladas pelo Estado então existentes em diferentes países, mormente aqueles criados pelos regimes fascistas alemão, italiano e português. É, quanto a isso, um produto brasileiro adaptado ao espírito do tempo. Entretanto a versão brasileira não admitiu a feição germânica, em 1938, quando o Ministro da Justiça, Francisco Campos, apresentou o projeto original de sua criação, que era calcado na instrução militar. Do demorado debate havido entre as mais elevadas autoridades surgiu, em 1940, a forma definitiva, apresentada pelo Ministro da Educação Gustavo Capanema. A Juventude Brasileira perdeu assim o caráter militar original, sem exigir qualquer aparato burocrático especial, valendo-se da estrutura já existente, tornando-se uma organização educacional auxiliar que incluía todos os escolares entre os sete e os dezoito anos de idade. Tornou-se um instrumento importante nas mãos das autoridades como um elemento de mobilização social, com seus desfiles, de que muito se valeu a propaganda oficial. De um modo geral, a sociedade aceitou bem a Juventude Brasileira, que serviu também, de certo modo, como ponto de contato e diálogo com um governo autoritário.

A política brasileira de expansão cultural no Estado Novo (1937-45)

A presente dissertação se propõe a analisar a política brasileira de propaganda e difusão cultural entre os anos de 1937 e 1945, isto é, durante o regime autoritário do Estado Novo. Como objetos de estudo, elegemos as atividades do Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda e da Divisão de Cooperação Intelectual do Itamaraty, com ênfase no uso dos principais veículos de comunicação da época. De modo complementar, abordamos a influência da Política de Boa Vizinhança nas Américas e as viagens ao estrangeiro de artistas e intelectuais nacionais. Nosso objetivo é provar que, nesse período, o Brasil desenvolveu uma política sistemática de promoção da cultura nacional, visando exportar a imagem de um país em ascensão imagem, essa, correspondente às aspirações brasileiras de desenvolvimento e afirmação junto às grandes nações do mundo.

A Folha de S. Paulo e os protestos pelo impeachment de Collor

A presente dissertação tem como objetivo observar as representações construídas pelo jornal Folha de S. Paulo sobre o conjunto de protestos de rua, ocorrido nos meses de agosto e setembro de 1992, que influenciou o processo de impeachment do presidente Collor. A pesquisa também questionou o interesse e atuação do jornal em relação a Collor desde as eleições de 1989 até o impeachment. Para responder a tais problemas, o trabalho mobilizou os conceitos de hegemonia e imprensa como partido político, propostos por Gramsci, o conceito de campo jornalístico, de Bourdieu, e o de agenda-setting, delineado por McCombs e Shaw. A historiografia consultada abordou o contexto histórico anterior ao governo Collor, as relações entre o presidente e os grandes veículos de imprensa do país, a história do periódico e o papel dos movimentos sociais no processo de impeachment. A revisão bibliográfica, apoiada pela leitura de editoriais do jornal, constatou que ele apoiava medidas neoliberais, como as privatizações das empresas públicas e o fim de mecanismos protecionistas do Estado à indústria nacional, que foram implementadas por Collor. Porém, o periódico fazia oposição ao presidente devido ao fracasso da sua política econômica e a sua postura autoritária em relação às críticas jornalísticas. Para perceber a visão da Folha de S. Paulo sobre os movimentos sociais, a pesquisa examinou textos editoriais e o conteúdo publicado no caderno Folhateen, voltado ao público jovem, durante os meses de julho a setembro de 1992. As análises mostraram que, em um primeiro momento, o jornal viu as manifestações com desconfiança. Posteriormente, com o seu crescimento, ele passou a apoiá-las e procurou influenciar a sua direção, diminuindo a importância dos partidos e entidades sindicais e estudantis de esquerda nas suas narrações dos protestos.

Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora: pacificação, território e militarização

Pretende-se uma análise crítica do projeto das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPPs), procurando entender como ele aparece como uma resposta possível para os problemas urbanos e de segurança na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Em primeiro lugar, volta-se à importação do ideal civilizatório pelo Brasil no início do século XIX e o surgimento da polícia e de uma questão urbana na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. O resgate histórico permite entender o surgimento das favelas e de uma cidade partida. Em seguida, trata-se do aspecto da pacificação das UPPs, retomando o sentido que essa ideia teve ao longo da história do Brasil, em especial como subjugação dos povos indígenas e como repressão às insurreições da primeira metade do século XIX. Em um segundo momento, volta-se à configuração da governamentalidade policial no Rio de Janeiro e no Brasil, do surgimento das polícias à racionalidade governamental do neoliberalismo. Demonstra-se como a polícia surge como um agente civilizador e como uma racionalidade autoritária da militarização e da criminologia do outro marca as polícias brasileiras, o que explica sua histórica atuação violenta voltada às classes subalternas. Em seguida, partindo da concepção de território pressuposta pelas UPPs, elabora-se sua crítica, observando que constituem uma política de ocupação militarizada do território que reforça uma geografia das desigualdades e promove uma nova forma de territorialização. Por fim, trata-se dos mecanismos que a governamentalidade neoliberal assume na gestão da questão urbana no Rio de Janeiro, a partir das ideias de urbanismo militar e empresarialismo urbano.O urbanismo militar é entendido como a extensão de ideias militares para os espaços e circulações cotidianos, o que leva a uma tendência internacional de militarização da segurança pública e proliferação de territórios de exceção. Nesse contexto, a política das UPPs guarda proximidades com as ocupações das favelas em Porto Príncipe pela MINUSTAH, os territórios palestinos ocupados por Israel, acontrainsurgência estadunidense no Iraque e Afeganistão e os Proyectos Urbanos Integrales em Medellín, nos quais se inspirou. Mas condizem também com o ideal do empresarialismo urbano, modelo baseado na competitividade das cidades orientada para o mercado. Trata-se, portanto, de um projeto de controle militarizado das favelas, necessário para os megaeventos e para a construção de uma imagem de cidade maravilhosa.

领导行为的复杂性、角色结构及其有效性研究

As the social and organizational environment become more and more complex, the topic of leadership complexity is gaining more and more attention. So far, some critical issues in this field need further exploration, such as clarifying the theoretical framework, developing and validating the measurments and exploring the mechanism of the its effectiveness. Using BEI(Behavioral Event Interview), content analysis and EFA/CFA, ANOVA, regression analysis and other qualitative/quantitative methods, this research explored the leadership structure of Chinese enterprise managers, developed a new leadership questionnaire, investigated the differences of the leadership roles among various managerial areas and on different hirachical levels, and examined the impacts of the leadership roles and leadership complexity on different indicators of leadership effectiveness in various organizational contexts. 1,020 managers were surveyed. The followings are the main findings： First，the structure of leadership behaviors of Chinese enterprise managers included ethical model, authoritarian, producer, director, monitor, mentor, strategist, enterpriser, among which ethical model and authoritarian are the new findings in Chinese cultural context. Ethical model was characterized by presenting honesty, setting an example to others, being just and diligent. Authoritarian was characterized by showing power and arbitrariness. In addition, mentor, strategist and enterpriser incarnated some cultural features of present China. The new developed leadership questionnaire’s reliability and validity reached the criterion of standardized measurement. Second, there were significant differences of frequency of leadership behaviors among the managers at different managerial postions and hirachical levels, while the impacts of different leadership roles on different leadership effectiveness indicators were also singnificantly different. Ethical model had positive impacts on the whole performance and three indicators across task and context performance, and authoritarian’s impacts on the whole performance and department performance were negatively significant. Third, the impact of leadership complexity on the whole leadership effectiveness was positively significant, while the moderating effects of organization level and position function was not significant.

我国城乡背景下教养风格对生育价值观代际传递调节作用的研究

Intergenerational cultural transmission is one process leading to cultural continuity and the transmission of value orientations may be seen as a core issue of cultural transmission. Previous research about value transmission revealed that the effectiveness of intergenerational value transmission was influenced by parenting, and parenting’s impact on culture transmission varies according to the cultural context. Value of children (VOC) refers to the functions children serve or the needs they fulfill for parents. VOC is contained in the value system and thus we would explore whether VOC could be transmitted from generation to generation like other values and how parenting impact intergenerational VOC transmission in China. Since there are dramatic differences between Chinese urban and rural context in many aspects, we would explore the effects of the transmission belt in these two social contexts respectively. A total of 200 samples were collected and each sample contained grandmother， mother and adolescent，and the results were as follows： 1. VOC could be transmitted from generation to generation, and the transmissions from grandmothers to adolescents were less effective than the transmissions from mothers to adolescents. 2. Parenting moderated the path of VOC transmission from mothers to adolescents. Authoritarian parenting could enhance the transmission of economical and social VOC factor between generations. And authoritative parenting could enhance the transmission of emotional VOC factor between generations. 3. Authoritarian parenting had significant positive predictive effect on rural adolescents’ VOC and had no predictive effect on urban adolescents’ VOC. And authoritative parenting had significant positive predictive effect on urban adolescents’ VOC.

Political Leadership and Public Support In Belarus: Forward to the Past?

Korosteleva-Polglase Elena, White, S., 'Political Leadership and Public Support In Belarus: Forward to the Past?', In: 'The EU and Belarus: Between Moscow and Brussels', (London: Kogan Page), pp.51-71, 2001 RAE2008

Bridging the gap with teamwork: collaborative leadership for communities of practice in the learning and skills sector

Collaborative approaches in leadership and management are increasingly acknowledged to play a key role in successful institutions in the learning and skills sector (LSS) (Ofsted, 2004). Such approaches may be important in bridging the potential 'distance' (psychological, cultural, interactional and geographical) (Collinson, 2005) that may exist between 'leaders' and 'followers', fostering more democratic communal solidarity. This paper reports on a 2006-07 research project funded by the Centre for Excellence in Leadership (CEL) that aimed to collect and analyse data on 'collaborative leadership' (CL) in the learning and skills sector. The project investigated collaborative leadership and its potential for benefiting staff through trust and knowledge-sharing in communities of practice (CoPs). The project forms part of longer-term educational research investigating leadership in a collaborative inquiry process (Jameson et al., 2006). The research examined the potential for CL to benefit institutions, analysing respondents' understanding of and resistance to collaborative practices. Quantitative and qualitative data from senior managers and lecturers was analysed using electronic data in SPSS and Tropes Zoom. The project aimed to recommend systems and practices for more inclusive, diverse leadership (Lumby et al., 2005). Collaborative leadership has increasingly gained international prominence as emphasis shifted towards team leadership beyond zero-sum 'leadership'/ 'followership' polarities into more mature conceptions of shared leadership spaces, within which synergistic leadership spaces can be mediated. The relevance of collaboration within the LSS has been highlighted following a spate of recent government-driven policy developments in FE. The promotion of CL addresses concerns about the apparent 'remoteness' of some senior managers, and the 'neo-management' control of professionals which can increase 'distance' between leaders and 'followers' and may de-professionalise staff in an already disempowered sector. Positive benefit from 'collaborative advantage' tends to be assumed in idealistic interpretations of CL, but potential 'collaborative inertia' may be problematic in a sector characterised by rapid top-down policy changes and continuous external audit and surveillance. Constant pressure for achievement against goals leaves little time for democratic group negotiations, despite the desires of leaders to create a more collaborative ethos. Yet prior models of intentional communities of practice potentially offer promise for CL practice to improve group performance despite multiple constraints. The CAMEL CoP model (JISC infoNet, 2006) was linked to the project, providing one practical way of implementing CL within situated professional networks.The project found that a good understanding of CL was demonstrated by most respondents, who thought it could enable staff to share power and work in partnership to build trust and conjoin skills, abilities and experience to achieve common goals for the good of the sector. However, although most respondents expressed agreement with the concept and ideals of CL, many thought this was currently an idealistically democratic, unachievable pipe dream in the LSS. Many respondents expressed concerns with the 'audit culture' and authoritarian management structures in FE. While there was a strong desire to see greater levels of implementation of CL, and 'collaborative advantage' from the 'knowledge sharing benefit potential' of team leadership, respondents also strongly advised against the pitfalls of 'collaborative inertia'. A 'distance' between senior leadership views and those of staff lower down the hierarchy regarding aspects of leadership performance in the sector was reported. Finally, the project found that more research is needed to investigate CL and develop innovative methods of practical implementation within autonomous communities of professional practice.

The emigration of the czechoslovak inhabitants in the languaje of the communist propaganda

The contribution is explaining the methods and the forms of the undemocratic regime on the example of the communist propaganda in the field of the emigration. The task of the article is to find out how the communist political elite was looking at the people who illegally left the territory of Czechoslovakia, which means of expression it was taking advantage of the characterizing of the political refugees, which types of the emigrants were standing in the centre of attention of the negative propaganda and in which intensity, the emigrants were presented in the communist press. We assume from the hypothesis that the propaganda language of the communists directed against the emigrants did not change in dependence of the rigidity of the communist regime. So, the emigrants were considered to be the mortal enemies of the regime both in the totalitarian condition in the fifties and in the authoritarian period of the eighties. The text is processed in the form of the contents analysis of the period newspaper articles. The article is divided into four parts. In the first theoretical part, the role of the propaganda in the undemocratic regimes is presented. Subsequently, the reasons of the emigration are explained in the investigated period, the object of the communist propaganda is subsequently presented and ultimately, in the last theoretical part, the language level of the propaganda of the Communist Party is analysed.

‘The Judiciary and Political Change in Africa: Developing Transitional Jurisprudence in Nigeria’

At a time of increased evaluations of law, human rights, and the rise of judicial power all over the globe, the work of most African judiciaries and the principles of the jurisprudence they espouse in promoting social justice remain an unlikely focus of comparative legal scholarship. This ought not to be so in view of the considerable activities of the courts on the continent in the dawn of the third wave of democratization. This article explores the work of the Nigerian Supreme Court in the political transition to democracy since 1999. Utilizing insights from the work of Ruti Teitel, it attempts to outline some of the major constitutional and extraconstitutional principles adopted by the Court in mediating intergovernmental contestations in the turbulent transition away from almost three decades of authoritarian military rule. It emerges that the task of fostering social transformation through the “weakest” branch seriously tasks the institutional integrity of the judiciary.

'Robes on Tight Ropes: The Judicialisation of Politics in Nigeria'

This account of judicialised politics in the Nigerian transition experience examines the regulation of the judiciary of the political space, through the resolution of intergovernmental contestations in a dysfunctional federation. It analyses the judicialisation of elite power disputes which have resonance for due process and the rule of law in particular and governance in general. A study of the role of the judiciary in stabilising the country, itself a pivot in the West Africa region in particular and Africa in general, is important. This is especially in view of its classification as a ‘weak state,’ despite its enormous human and natural resources. The analyses here suggest the Supreme Court has taken a strategic position in the task of democratic institutional building and the reinstitution of the rule of law in the country. This strategic measure has received the acclaim of the public. However, the account also discloses that the judiciary, in the course of its numerous interventions, has been drawn into overly political disputes that overreach its jurisprudential preferences. Of even more significance, it demonstrates that the judiciary is itself still challenged by institutional dysfunctions constituting part of the legacies of the authoritarian era. The situation leads back to the need for closer scrutiny of the judicial function in transitional societies.

'Calling the Judiciary to Account for the Past: Transitional Justice and Judicial Accountability in Nigeria'

Institutional and individual accountability is an important feature of societies in transition from conflict or authoritarian rule. The imperative of accountability has both normative and transformational underpinnings in the context of restoration of the rule of law and democracy. This article argues a case for extending the purview of truth-telling processes to the judiciary in postauthoritarian contexts. The driving force behind the inquiry is the proposition that the judiciary as the third arm of government at all times participates in governance. To contextualize the argument, I focus on judicial governance and accountability within the paradigm of Nigeria’s transition to democracy after decades of authoritarian military rule.

'The Judiciary and Constitutionalism in Transitions: A Critique'

The article critically analyses the role of the Nigerian courts in mediating resultant tensions in the post-authoritarian transition period. In doing this, I examine jurisprudence emanating from the courts on some serious inter-governmental disputes, as well as decisions bordering on individual and group rights, particularly those connected to the transition process. The dynamics of democratic transition in Nigeria after decades of military rule dictates the inevitability of these disputes. The military left a legacy of systemic distortion and institutional dysfunctions which constitute formidable challenges to the transitioning society. The article argues a case for a purposive jurisprudential approach to resolving the ensuing tensions which typically threaten the viability of the transition.

'Travails of Truth: Achieving Justice for Victims of Impunity in Nigeria”'

Following its transition to democracy from an authoritarian military rule marked by gross violations of human rights, Nigeria established the Human Rights Violations Investigations Commission (HRVIC) in 1999. This paper critically examines the contributions of the HRVIC, popularly known as the ‘Oputa Panel,’ to the field of transitional justice and the rule of law. It sets out the process of establishing the Commission, its mandate and how this mandate was interpreted during the course of the Commission’s work. The challenges faced by the Oputa Panel, particularly those that relate to its legal status and relationship with the judiciary, are analyzed in an attempt to draw useful guidelines from these challenges for other truth commissions. Recourse by powerful individuals to the judicial process in a bid to shield themselves from the HRVIC merits particular review as it raises questions regarding the transformation of the judiciary and the rule of law in the wake of an authoritarian regime.