Puerto Ricans in the Empire: Tobacco Growers and U.S. Colonialism

This flyer promotes the event "Puerto Ricans in the Empire: Tobacco Growers and U.S. Colonialism", a book presentation by Author Teresita A. Levy. The book focuses on the relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States in the tobacco-leaf market. Teresita Levy is an associate professor of Latin American and Puerto Rican studies at Lehman College, City University of New York, and the associate director of the Center for Latin American, Caribbean and Latino Studies at the Graduate Center. This event was held on August 24, 2015 at the Florida International University, Modesto A Maidique Campus, DM 445.

Request for Public Comment on the South Carolina Agricultural Outreach Plan Program Year 2013

This public notice invites public comment regarding the US Department of Labor required annual Agricultural Outreach Plan The AOP describes the activities planned for providing services to the agricultural community both migrant and seasonal farmworkers and agricultural employers.

Johnny be gonzo

The legend of Hunter S. Thompson*the great gonzo*has grown deeper and more layered since his death in February 2005 than it was even in his exotic and controversyfilled life. The most recent addition to the mythology*The Rum Diary(Bruce Robinson, 2011)*stars Johnny Depp, possibly Thompson’s greatest fan, and certainly a man dedicated to keeping the man’s memory alive. Not for the first time, Depp brings his A-list status and good looks to playing the Thompson character on the big screen. In Terry Gilliam’s adaptation of Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas (1998) he played the writer’s alter ego, Raoul Duke. Duke was Thompson, and Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas a fictionalized account of what is generally accepted to have been a real-life episode. In The Rum Diary he plays Paul Kemp, the young journalist who lands a job as a crime reporter on a struggling Puerto Rican newspaper. Again, the protagonist is a version of Thompson himself, who did indeed spend time in 1960 working for the Puerto Rican press. Both films join Gonzo (Alex Gibney, 2008) to form a trilogy of Depp-infused movies about a journalist some regard as one of the greatest of the twentieth century, and others view as an overrated charlatan who leveraged his one big idea into a four decades-long career brought low by drugs, booze, dysfunctional sex and, finally, Hemingwayesque despair...

U.S. Caribbean fish trap fishery costs and earnings study

Executive Summary: This study describes the socio-economic characteristics of the U.S. Caribbean trap fishery that encompasses the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico and Territory of the U.S. Virgin Islands. In-person interviews were administered to one hundred randomly selected trap fishermen, constituting nearly 25% of the estimated population. The sample was stratified by geographic area and trap tier. The number of traps owned or fished to qualify for a given tier varied by island. In Puerto Rico, tier I consisted of fishermen who had between 1-40 fish traps, tier II was made up of fishermen who possessed between 41 and 100 fish traps, and tier III consisted of fishermen who held in excess of 100 fish traps. In St. Thomas and St. John, tier I was composed of fishermen who held between 1 and 50 fish traps, tier II consisted of fishermen who had between 51-150 fish traps and tier III was made up of fishermen who had in excess of 150 fish traps. Lastly, in St. Croix, tier I was made up of fishermen who had less than 20 fish traps and tier II consisted of fishermen who had 20 or more fish traps. The survey elicited information on household demographics, annual catch and revenue, trap usage, capital investment on vessels and equipment, fixed and variable costs, behavioral response to a hypothetical trap reduction program and the spatial distribution of traps. The study found that 79% of the sampled population was 40 years or older. The typical Crucian trap fisherman was older than their Puerto Rican and St. Thomian and St. Johnian counterparts. Crucian fishermen’s average age was 57 years whereas Puerto Rican fishermen’s average age was 51 years, and St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen’s average age was 48 years. As a group, St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen had 25 years of fishing experience, and Puerto Rican and Crucian fishermen had 30, and 29 years, respectively. Overall, 90% of the households had at least one dependent. The average number of dependents across islands was even, ranging between 2.8 in the district of St. Thomas and St. John and 3.4 in the district of St. Croix. The percentage utilization of catch for personal or family use was relatively low. Regionally, percentage use of catch for personal or family uses ranged from 2.5% in St. Croix to 3.8% in the St. Thomas and St. John. About 47% of the respondents had a high school degree. The majority of the respondents were highly dependent on commercial fishing for their household income. In St. Croix, commercial fishing made up 83% of the fishermen’s total household income, whereas in St. Thomas and St. John and Puerto Rico it contributed 74% and 68%, respectively. The contribution of fish traps to commercial fishing income ranged from 51% in the lowest trap tier in St. Thomas and St. John to 99% in the highest trap tier in St. Croix. On an island basis, the contribution of fish traps to fishing income was 75% in St. Croix, 61% in St. Thomas and St. John, and 59% in Puerto Rico. The value of fully rigged vessels ranged from $400 to $250,000. Over half of the fleet was worth $10,000 or less. The St. Thomas and St. John fleet reported the highest mean value, averaging $58,518. The Crucian and Puerto Rican fleets were considerably less valuable, averaging $19,831 and $8,652, respectively. The length of the vessels ranged from 14 to 40 feet. Fifty-nine percent of the sampled vessels were at least 23 feet in length. The average length of the St. Thomas and St. John fleet was 28 feet, whereas the fleets based in St. Croix and Puerto Rico averaged 21 feet. The engine’s propulsion ranged from 8 to 400 horsepower (hp). The mean engine power was 208 hp in St. Thomas and St. John, 108 hp in St. Croix, and 77 hp in Puerto Rico. Mechanical trap haulers and depth recorders were the most commonly used on-board equipment. About 55% of the sampled population reported owning mechanical trap haulers. In St. Thomas and St. John, 100% of the respondents had trap haulers compared to 52% in Puerto Rico and 20% in St. Croix. Forty-seven percent of the fishermen surveyed stated having depth recorders. Depth recorders were most common in the St. Thomas and St. John fleet (80%) and least common in the Puerto Rican fleet (37%). The limited presence of emergency position indication radio beacons (EPIRBS) and radar was the norm among the fish trap fleet. Only 8% of the respondents had EPIRBS and only 1% had radar. Interviewees stated that they fished between 1 and 350 fish traps. Puerto Rican respondents fished on average 39 fish traps, in contrast to St. Thomian and St. Johnian and Crucian respondents, who fished 94 and 27 fish traps, respectively. On average, Puerto Rican respondents fished 11 lobster traps, and St. Thomian and St. Johnian respondents fished 46 lobster traps. None of the Crucian respondents fished lobster traps. The number of fish traps built or purchased ranged between 0 and 175, and the number of lobster traps built or bought ranged between 0 and 200. Puerto Rican fishermen on average built or purchased 30 fish traps and 14 lobster traps, and St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen built or bought 30 fish traps and 11 lobster traps. Crucian fishermen built or bought 25 fish traps and no lobster traps. As a group, fish trap average life ranged between 1.3 and 5 years, and lobster traps lasted slightly longer, between 1.5 and 6 years. The study found that the chevron or arrowhead style was the most common trap design. Puerto Rican fishermen owned an average of 20 arrowhead traps. St. Thomian and St. Johnian and Crucian fishermen owned an average of 44 and 15 arrowhead fish traps, respectively. The second most popular trap design was the square trap style. Puerto Rican fishermen had an average of 9 square traps, whereas St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen had 33 traps and Crucian fishermen had 2 traps. Antillean Z (or S) -traps, rectangular and star traps were also used. Although Z (or S) -traps are considered the most productive trap design, fishermen prefer the smaller-sized arrowhead and square traps because they are easier and less expensive to build, and larger numbers of them can be safely deployed. The cost of a fish trap, complete with rope and buoys, varied significantly due to the wide range of construction materials utilized. On average, arrowhead traps commanded $94 in Puerto Rico, $251 in St. Thomas and St. John, and $119 in St. Croix. The number of trips per week ranged between 1 and 6. However, 72% of the respondents mentioned that they took two trips per week. On average, Puerto Rican fishermen took 2.1 trips per week, St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen took 1.4 trips per week, and Crucian fishermen took 2.5 trips per week. Most fishing trips started at dawn and finished early in the afternoon. Over 82% of the trips lasted 8 hours or less. On average, Puerto Rican fishermen hauled 27 fish traps per trip whereas St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen and Crucian fishermen hauled 68 and 26 fish traps per trip, respectively. The number of traps per string and soak time varied considerably across islands. In St. Croix, 84% of the respondents had a single trap per line, whereas in St. Thomas and St. John only 10% of the respondents had a single trap per line. Approximately, 43% of Puerto Rican fishermen used a single trap line. St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen soaked their traps for 6.9 days while Puerto Rican and Crucian fishermen soaked their traps for 5.7 and 3.6 days, respectively. The heterogeneity of the industry was also evidenced by the various economic surpluses generated. The survey illustrated that higher gross revenues did not necessarily translate into higher net revenues. Our analysis also showed that, on average, vessels in the trap fishery were able to cover their cash outlays, resulting in positive vessel income (i.e., financial profits). In Puerto Rico, annual financial profits ranged from $4,760 in the lowest trap tier to $32,467 in the highest tier, whereas in St. Thomas and St. John annual financial profits ranged from $3,744 in the lowest tier to $13,652 in the highest tier. In St. Croix, annual financial profits ranged between $9,229 and $15,781. The survey also showed that economic profits varied significantly across tiers. Economic profits measure residual income after deducting the remuneration required to keep the various factors of production in their existing employment. In Puerto Rico, annual economic profits ranged from ($9,339) in the lowest trap tier to $ 8,711 in the highest trap tier. In St. Thomas and St. John, annual economic profits ranged from ($7,920) in the highest tier to ($18,486) in the second highest tier. In St. Croix, annual economic profits ranged between ($7,453) to $10,674. The presence of positive financial profits and negative economic profits suggests that higher economic returns could be earned from a societal perspective by redirecting some of these scarce capital and human resources elsewhere in the economy. Furthermore, the presence of negative economic earnings is evidence that the fishery is overcapitalized and that steps need to be taken to ensure the long-run economic viability of the industry. The presence of positive financial returns provides managers with a window of opportunity to adopt policies that will strengthen the biological and economic performance of the fishery while minimizing any adverse impacts on local fishing communities. Finally, the document concludes by detailing how the costs and earnings information could be used to develop economic models that evaluate management proposals. (PDF contains 147 pages)

Government decisions before and during the First World War and the living standards in Germany during a drastic natural experiment

The First World War hit Germany severely, particularly the agricultural sector, because the outbreak came unexpected and its duration exceeded all expectations. Many resources necessary for agricultural production were required by the war economy and led to shortages and shrinking supplies. Many agricultural laborers were drafted and the blockade imposed by the allies prevented Germany from a great deal of imports. As a consequence, the nutritional situation was devastating, particularly after 1916, and hit all groups of the German society. The period under observation provides one of most drastic natural experiments in the 20th century. This study uses anthropometric data from German soldiers who served in the Second World War to trace living standards between the 1900s and the 1920s. In contrast to other approaches, this paper is able to distinguish between social groups by occupation, religious denominatio\n, regional origin, and city size. The results suggest that although all social strata were hit by famine conditions, the height of farmers, urban citizens, Catholics, and especially individuals born in the highly integrated food-import regions along the coast and the banks of the Rhine declined most.

Production under glass : working conditions and class-consciousness of the Niagara greenhouse workers

This study applies a Marxist theoretical paradigm to examine the working conditions of greenhouse workers in the Niagara Region, and the range of factors that bear upon the formation of their class-consciousness. The Niagara greenhouse industry represents one of the most developed horticultural regions in Canada and plays a prominent role in the local economy. The industry generates substantial revenues and employs a significant number of people, yet the greenhouse workers are paid one of the lowest rates in the region. Being classified as agricultural workers, the greenhouse employees are exempted from many provisions of federal and provincial labour regulations. Under the current provincial statutes, agricultural workers in Ontario are denied the right to organize and bargain collectively. Except for a few technical and managerial positions, the greenhouse industry employs mostly low-skilled workers who are subjected to poor working conditions that stem from the employer's attempts to adapt to larger structural imperatives of the capitalist economy. While subjected to these poor working conditions, the greenhouse workers are also affected by objectively alienated social relations and by ruling class ideological domination and hegemony. These two sets of factors arise from the inherent conflict of interests between wage-labour and capital but also militate against the development of class-consciousness. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 12 greenhouse workers to examine the role played by their material circumstances in the formulation of their social and political views as well as the extent to which they are aware of their class location and class interests. The hegemonic notions of 'common sense' acted as impediments to formation of classconsciousness. The greenhouse workers have virtually no opportunities to access alternative perspectives that would address the issues associated with exploitation in production and offer solutions leading to 'social justice'. Fonnidable challenges confront any organized political body seeking to improve the conditions of the working people.

Transmission of West Nile virus in the Niagara Region among a population at risk for exposure

Background. West Nile Virus (WNV), a mosquito-borne flavivirus, is one of an increasing number of infectious diseases that have been emerging or re-emerging in the last two decades. Since the arrival ofWNV to Canada to present date, the Niagara Region has only reported 30 clinical cases, a small number compared to the hundreds reported in other regions of similar conditions. Moreover, the last reported human case in Niagara was in 2006. As it has been demonstrated that the majority of WNV infections are asymptomatic, the question remains whether the lack of clinical cases in Niagara truly reflects the lack of transmission to humans or if infections are still occurring but are mostly asymptomatic. Objectives. The general objective of this study was to establish whether or not active WNV transmission could be detected in a human population residing in Niagara for the 2007 transmission season. To fullfil this objective, a cross-sectional seroprevalence study was designed to investigate for the presence of anti-WNV antibodies in a sample of Mexican migrant agricultural workers employed in farms registered with the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (SAWP). Due to the Mexican origin of the study participants, three specific research objectives were proposed: a) determine the seroprevalence ofanti-WNV antibodies as well as anti-Dengue virus antibodies (a closely related virus prevalent in Mexico and likely to confound WNV serology); b) analyze risk factors associated with WNV and Dengue virus seropositivity; and c) assess the awareness of study participants about WNV infection as well as their understanding of the mode of transmission and clinical importance of the infection. Methodology: After obtaining ethics clearance from Brock University, farms were visited and workers invited to participate. Due to time constraints, only a small number of farms were enrolled with a resulting convenience and non-randomized study sample. Workers' demographic and epidemiological data were collected using a standardized questionnaire and blood samples were drawn to determine serum anti-WNV and anti- Dengue antibodies with a commercial ELISA. All positive samples were sent to the National Microbiology Laboratory in Winnipeg, Manitoba for confirmation with the Plaque Reduction Neutralization Test (PRNT). Data was analyzed with Stata 10.0. Antibody determinations were reported as seroprevalence proportions for both WNV and Dengue. Logistic regression was used to analyze risk factors that may be associated with seropositivity and awareness was reported as a proportion of the number of individuals possessing awareness over the total number of participants. Results and Discussion. In total 92 participants working in 5 farms completed the study. Using the commercial ELISA, seropositivity was as follows: 2.2% for WNV IgM, 20.7% for WNV IgG, and 17.1 % for Dengue IgG. Possible cross-reactivity was demonstrated in 15/20 (75.0%) samples that were positive for both WNV IgG and Dengue IgG. Confirmatory testing with the PRNT demonstrated that none of the WNV ELISA positive samples had antibodies to WNV but 13 samples tested positive for anti-Dengue antibodies (14.1 % Dengue sereoprevalence). The findings showed that the ELISA performance was very poor for assessing anti-WNV antibodies in individuals previously exposed to Dengue virus. However, the ELISA had better sensitivity and specificity for assessing anti-Dengue antibodies. Whereas statistical analysis could not be done for WNV seropositivity, as all samples were PRNT negative, logistic regression demonstrated several risk factors for Dengue exposure_ The first year coming to Canada appeared to be significantly associated with increased exposure to Dengue while lower socio-economic housing and the presence of a water basin in the yard in Mexico appeared to be significantly associated with a decreased exposure to Dengue_ These seemingly contradictory results illustrate that in mobile populations such as migrant workers, risk factors for exposure to Dengue are not easily identified and more research is needed. Assessing the awareness of WNV and its clinical importance showed that only 23% of participants had some knowledge of WNV, of which 76% knew that the infection was mosquito-borne and 47% recognized fever as a symptom. The identified lack of understanding and awareness was not surprising since WNV is not a visible disease in Mexico. Since WNV persists in an enzootic cycle in Niagara and the occurrence of future outbreaks is unpredictable, the agricultural workers remain at risk for transmission. Therefore it important they receive sufficient health education regarding WNV before leaving Mexico and during their stay in Canada. Conclusions. Human transmission of WNV could not be proven among the study participants even when due to their occupation they are at high risk for mosquito bites. The limitations of the study sample do not permit generalizable conclusions, however, the study findings are consistent with the absence of clinical cases in the Niagara Region, so it is likely that human transmission is indeed neglible or absent. As evidenced by our WNV serology results, PRNT must be utilized as a confirmatory test since false positivity occurs frequently. This is especially true when previous exposure to Dengue virus is likely.

Auto-reflexividad, erografía y leitmotivs liminales en la producción narrativa de Mayra Santos-Febres (1995-2009)

La recherche, construction et révision de l’identité nationale ont très longtemps constitué les éléments propulseurs de la production littéraire et intellectuelle de Porto Rico. Pourtant vers le milieu des années 90, un nouveau consensus émerge entre les écrivains qui revendiquent massivement la fin de la littérature en tant que lieu d’où forger la conscience nationale et refuse le leadership intellectuel qui avait jusqu’alors définit le travail littéraire. Les auteurs qui commencent à se manifester à ce moment se désintéressent du nationalisme comme thème littéraire. Le militantisme politique et la volonté de confrontation, modes représentationnels caractéristiques de la génération antérieure, disparaissent pour laisser place à une écriture exploratoire, centrée sur ses propres procédés, et apparemment apolitique. Une telle perte d’ancrages nationaux et territoriaux est significative de la conscience exacerbée que possèdent ces écrivains de la complexité des dynamiques culturelles qui régissent le monde postmoderne et globalisé, ainsi que de la « valeur » et de la position « marginale » qu’on leur attribue dans l’écologie mass-médiatique culturelle actuelle. La production narrative de Mayra Santos-Febres est paradigmatique de ces changements. J’aborde dans son écriture une série de dispositifs métalittéraires, autoréflexifs, « érographiques », et historiographiques qui, bien qu’ils résistent à une catégorisation homogène, démontrent un même intérêt pour des phénomènes interstitiels. En me basant sur les concepts de liminalité, principalement depuis la perspective de Victor Turner et d’écriture auto-réflexive (Patricia Waugh, Linda Hutcheon), j’analyse le positionnement liminal qu’assume Santos-Febres dans la structure culturelle globalisée actuelle, et la façon dont sa prise de position, également liminale, c’est-à-dire, sa prise de parole et son engagement se traduisent par un rapprochement narcissique à l’exercice littéraire autant dans les formes qu’elle crée qu’au niveau sémantique, narratif et discursif. Le premier chapitre analyse les contes « Dilcia M. » et « Acto de Fe » (Pez de vidrio) comme témoignages de l’érosion du patriotisme et militantisme antérieur; « La escritora» (Pez de vidrio) qui marque pour l’auteure un passage vers une esthétique centrée sus ses propres procédés créatifs; et le roman Cualquier miércoles soy tuya qui dramatise le positionnement assumé par les écrivains dans la chaine culturelle globalisée actuelle. Le second chapitre aborde la configuration des corps, espaces urbains et de l’écriture dans El cuerpo correcto qui, à travers une exubérance sexuelle/textuelle, projette des variantes réactualisées de la traditionnelle dichotomie corps/écriture. Le troisième chapitre se penche sur la configuration du travesti dans Sirena Selena vestida de pena. J’y propose de voir le travestisme, le boléro et l’écriture comme un triple exercice métalittéraire. Le dernier chapitre aborde le procédé de re-signification littéraire des images sédimentées de subordination et d’infériorité de sujet « noir ». Nuestra Señora de la Noche se penche sur la re-signification de l’hyper-sexualisation et « exotisation » qui a cimenté la construction de « l’immoralité » de la femme noire. Fe en disfraz aborde le sadomasochisme comme espace de re-signification des schèmes de domination et soumission inscrits dans l’histoire esclavagiste de Porto Rico et du trauma qui origine, et subsiste, d’une telle hiérarchie.

Preguntas a la desigualdad. Ensayos sobre análisis de clase, socialismo y marxismo

Este texto comienza con un ensayo autobiográfico que explora los retos y beneficios de lo que implica ser un académico marxista en este tiempo. A este ensayo le sigue una discusión sobre varios temas del análisis de clase, con particular énfasis en dos temas: las clases y la desigualdad, y la relación entre clase y poder. La segunda sección aborda el tema del socialismo como posible futuro del capitalismo. Su autor procura clarificar el estatus conceptual del socialismo y discute las razones por las que ciertas reformas, tales como los subsidios básicos universales, en últimas no podrían realizarse por completo sin la introducción de alguna forma de socialismo. Preguntas a la desigualdad concluye con un examen del problema general del marxismo, en tanto que tradición radical de la teoría social. Allí se discuten tres temas en particular: los principios fundamentales del marxismo analítico como estrategia para reconstruir el marxismo como teoría social científica; la relación entre el marxismo y el feminismo como teorías sociales emancipadoras y las perspectivas del marxismo tras el colapso de los regímenes comunistas.

Vilas rurais no processo de transformação do espaço rural no município de Paranavaí

Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT

A reprodução sócio-econômica e produtiva do campesinato no Sudeste paraense: o Assentamento Palmares II, Parauapebas/PA

O Sudeste Paraense foi palco de um dos maiores e mais incisivos processos de ocupação e colonização da região amazônica em sua totalidade. O elevado contingente migrante camponês ao longo de todo século XX, em especial, nas décadas dos anos de 1970, 1980 e 1990, concorreu diretamente com outras estratégias postas e pensadas para a colonização da região, como a agropecuária de grande porte e extensiva, mineração e projetos de geração de energia. Diante de uma complexidade ímpar no agrário regional, esse cenário é marcado até a atualidade por elevada conflitividade, posicionando claramente a região no debate acadêmico como sendo uma fronteira. A partir de meados dos anos 1990, os conflitos e disputas ganham novos contornos com a criação de Projetos de Assentamentos e a implementação de uma série de políticas voltadas ao atendimento da agricultura familiar, o que possibilita de certa forma pensar em novos tipos de conflitos e possibilidades de reprodução social e econômica dos camponeses assentados. O presente trabalho, dentro desse novo contexto, trata especificamente das possibilidades atuais de reprodução social e econômica do campesinato no assentamento Palmares II, município de Parauapebas/PA, buscando compreender os possíveis fatores que vem permitindo ou não a ruptura com a tese do ciclo e fronteira e em contraposição permitindo certa estabilização aos camponeses assentados. Para além de evidenciar e comprovar a existência de novas trajetórias dos sistemas de produção postas em prática pelos agricultores do assentamento em questão, o trabalho pretende indicar quais fatores econômicos, políticos, sociais têm sido importantes para a continuidade e possibilidade das estratégias de reprodução camponesa.

Educação e trabalho em movimentos sociais: princípios educativos transcendentes e comuns ao Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), aos socialistas utópicos owenistas e aos cartistas britânicos

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A precarização do trabalho: migrantes nordestinos no município de Leme-SP : caminhos, estradas e sonhos

This paper aims to examine the genesis of migration to the city of Leme-SP, as well as the influence of the social matrix northeastern expansion and redevelopment through the territorialization of the migrant population, particularly workers from the state of Ceará, migration from the 1970s. This process is evidenced by the territorial division of labor, through the economic, political and cultural insecurity through the work of cutting sugar cane, the territoriality of culture and northeastern faith in the city, and becomes another object before the materiality in which occurs. In this aspect, through dialogue between the sciences and arts, it was possible to show the historical importance of the phenomenon of migration in the country, in different scales and relationship that encompasses everything and everyone

Asia Comes to Main Street and May Learn to Speak Spanish: Globalization in a Poor Neighborhood in Worcester

This paper considers how and why an Asian enclave of small businesses has appeared in a poor neighborhood characterized by Puerto Rican and other Latino immigration in the post-industrial city of Worcester, Massachusetts. We begin by examining the role of the US in the world system, and argue that the US hegemonic role and specific political economic aspects of global capitalism (ie. deindustrialization) account for some of the migration stream. Next, using socioeconomic and historical data, interviews, and observations, we outline the history of Worcester’s economy and immigration patterns. We demonstrate that the increasing economic inequality leaves few promising employment options for newcomers to Worcester. Drawing on existing literature on immigrant entrepreneurs and ethnic enclaves, we argue that some aspects of the literature appear to shed light on the Vietnamese enterprises which have so visibly appeared (e.g., ethnic niches), while others, (e.g., middle-man minority theory) are not now reflected in local conflict. We conclude by considering the prospects for immigrants to this neighborhood in light of its political economic context.