831 resultados para transnational adoptees


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Resumen basado en el de la publicación

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This paper examines two “9/11 novels,” Joseph O’Neill’s Netherland (2008) and Mohsin Hamid’s The Reluctant Fundamentalist (2007). Written by writers of different backgrounds but with similarly cosmopolitan career paths, both novels attempt to achieve a transnational perspective on the climate of fear created by the 9/11 attacks. Both novels unveil a history of violence which links colonial legacy and new imperial formations resulting from neoliberal capitalism, ultimately highlighting difficulties in forging an encompassing cosmopolitan perspective at a time of international insecurity.

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Partiendo de lo que ha sido el manejo de los recursos petroleros en el Ecuador durante los últimos 30 años, el autor presenta una serie de elementos críticos acerca de la política petrolera nacional y señala algunos de los principales elementos que, a nivel de administración, han posibilitado que la mayoría de los beneficios obtenidos del petróleo se queden en manos de las empresas transnacionales en detrimento del Estado. El fortalecimiento de la empresa petrolera estatal, la renegociación de contra tos petroleros y la exigencia a las empresas petroleras para que paguen sus obligaciones, tributarias entre otras, son algunas de las decisiones que, a juicio del autor, las autoridades deben tomar de manera inmediata en aras de proteger el patrimonio petrolero del país.

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En este texto se analiza el significado que desde el punto de vista de la geopolítica del saber tienen los nuevos regímenes transnacionales de protección de la propiedad intelectual que se han venido estableciendo en los últimos años como parte del orden institucional y jurídico de la sociedad global. Se hace énfasis particular en la oposición de intereses existentes en este ámbito entre las empresas transnacionales y los habitantes del Sur del planeta.

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El presente estudio apunta a proveerle al lector con elementos para responder a un conjunto de preguntas relevantes para el diseño de una política bilateral Ecuador-Brasil coherente, entre otras: ¿Qué explica el surgimiento de Brasil como una potencia económica global?, ¿Cómo ese exitoso desarrollo económico –y social– ha influido en la política internacional de esta nación?, ¿Cómo podría afectar a Ecuador la creciente influencia internacional de Brasil en algunos de los organismos centrales para la toma de decisiones económicas mundiales, tales como el Grupo de los 20 (G-20), la Organización Mundial del Comercio (OMC) y el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI)? A continuación mostraré que esas preguntas no solo se relacionan entre sí, sino que, de hecho, tienen una respuesta común: la economía política del desarrollo brasileño tanto histórico como de los últimos veinte años explica su emergencia económica, los notables cambios en su política exterior en los noventa y la presente década, y los límites y oportunidades de la proyección internacional brasileña en el presente y el futuro más o menos inmediato.

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La religión es un tema que se ha ligado a los temas de migración debido al interés en las transacciones e interconexiones que se presentan entre los migrantes y sus familias residentes en los países de origen, así como a la importancia que tienen las prácticas religiosas para los migrantes en sus países de destino. Al examinar casos concretos de migración y al comparar diferentes grupos religiosos –tanto católicos como quienes no están vinculados a una institución religiosa– se observa la continuidad y los cambios de las formas de pertenencia, cuyas raíces provienen de la historia colonial. Analizando los procesos de construcción del espacio religioso se investiga si el traslado de concepciones e imágenes religiosas está provocando nuevos esencialismos o culturas híbridas, en las cuales se articulan bricolajes de ideologías y cosmovisiones. Los casos comparados evidencian que las religiones y sus aparatos tienen una importante influencia en las concepciones y percepciones del espacio, los cuales determinan las prácticas y pertenencias sociales.

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El presente artículo aborda el impacto de la transformación tecnológica y los nuevos instrumentos de la teleinformática en los medios de comunicación masiva. La forma como se han estructurado las transnacionales mediáticas a partir del uso de instrumentos como la web, el software o el podcasting y los riesgos que su exceso conlleva respecto de la democracia al imponer sus intereses económicos y culturales por encima del interés del individuo, el interés público, la intimidad y el honor. Todo lo cual plantea nuevos desafíos al derecho y la protección de los derechos del individuo.

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El artículo se propone escrutar, a la luz del caso argentino, la concepción de propiedad privada subyacente en las respuestas de las instituciones internacionales de arbitraje en el marco de las controversias entre Estados e inversores transnacionales. Se entiende que el análisis del caso argentino puede echar luz en la materia al tratarse del país con mayor número de demandas en su contra.

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The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA), the EU body responsible for advising EU institutions on fundamental rights, is equipped with a Fundamental Rights Platform (FRP) to ensure an on-going and structured exchange of information and feedback between the FRA and Civil Society. When the FRA was founded in 2007, there was little pre-existing knowledge on how to design such a Platform; hence, the development of the relationship between the FRA and Civil Society over the first five years proved an interesting experiment. Although the Platform was never intended as a mechanism of democratic co-decision making, it is far more than a loose marketplace where Civil Society actors across the spectrum of fundamental rights themes gather. The Platform offers channels of consultation and exchange not only among the participants but also with the FRA. It allows for cross-pollination, ensuring informed grassroots input into FRA work and FRA expertise flow to Civil Society actors. This synergetic relationship builds upon both the self-organising forces of Civil Society and the terms of references of the FRP as defined by the FRA. The Platform allows to find a certain unity in the remarkable diversity of fundamental rights voices. To what degree, however, the Platform’s dynamics allow the transformation of sometimes ‘compartmentalised’ single human rights discussions into wider trans-sectoral and transnational debates within the Human Rights Community depends on the motivation and the interest(s) of the different Civil Society players.

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In this article we focus on the dual identities of relatively young Trinidadians who have decided to return to the island of their birth, or of their parents, while still in their thirties and forties. Highly-educated professional transnational migrants mostly make tip our sample of 36; 26 possess dual citizenship. We focus on our informants' narratives about their transnational experiences, self-appraisals of their dual identities and how they value dual citizenship. More generally, we ask does transnationalism supplant nationalism among our returning informants? Unsurprisingly, the diverse responses we document do not support the commonly held explanatory relationship between return adaptations, 'national belonging' and the expected dominance of 'transnational belonging'. Family, relations intervene significantly, both to encourage transnationalism and to strengthen nationalism. Feelings of notional belonging often accompany transnationalism. Notably, we view dual citizenship strategically and pragmatically as advantageous to the continuation of transnational practices.

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While the academic literature has demonstrated the importance of social networks in relation to the process of migration, investigations have rarely examined in detail the personal-social adjustment issues that migrants and return migrants face. This study examines the context and types of friendship pattern that young return migrants from Britain cultivate in Barbados. The research centres on a wholly under-researched demographic groupyoung return migrants or second-generation Barbadians who have decided to return to the birthplace of their parents. The investigation is based on 51 in-depth interviews carried out with these young returnees to Barbados. Presenting a taxonomy of friendship types, it is argued that, for the 'Bajan-Brits' under study, the cultivation of new friendships is highly problematic. The research identifies what we refer to as the 'insular transnational', the 'we are different' and the 'all-inclusive transnational' friendship types among the young returnees. Our analysis also shows that problems of friendship are highly gendered, with females reporting the most problems due to what is perceived as sexual and workplace competition. It is stressed that these circumstances exemplify the essentially 'hybrid', 'liminal' and 'in-between' positionality of these second-generation migrants within contemporary Barbadian society.

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This paper illustrates the opportunities afforded by the adoption of postcolonial discourse in development geography, drawing specifically on issues of transnationalism, hybridity and inbetweeness. The utility of such notions and associated approaches is illustrated by the authors' current research on the migration of young, second generation and foreign-born 'Bajan-Brits' to the small Caribbean island nation of Barbados, the homeland of their parents. Focussing on issues of 'race' and gender, the paper examines the experiences of return migration among this cohort from an interpretative perspective framed within postcolonial discourse. It argues that notwithstanding the considerable sociocultural problems of adjustment encountered, these Bajan-Brit 'returnees' may be seen as occupying positions of relative economic privilege. Theirs is a liminal space derived by virtue of having been born and/or raised in the UK and being of the black 'race'. Accordingly, they are demonstrated to be both advantaged and disadvantaged; both transnational and national; and black but, in some senses, symbolically white.

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In this paper we consider the nexus existing between returning transnational migrants to Trinidad and Tobago's adaptation experiences, matters pertaining to their transnational life-paths, family and community experiences and their views on transnationalism and return. The research is based on an analysis of the detailed narratives provided by forty informants by means of semi-structured interviews. The informants consisted of nine 'second-generation', seven 'one-and-a-half-generation' and twenty-four 'prolonged sojourner' returning transnational migrants to Trinidad and Tobago. The main conceptual themes that characterise Caribbean transnationalism are presented at the beginning of the paper. Addressing these in the context of Trinidad and Tobago, we present our narrative-based findings under the following headings derived from analysis of our informant's experiences and views: transnational family and life-course issues; transnational community relationships; keeping in touch; transnational mobility and 'home as fixed anchor'; transnational identity; transnational economic and commercial interests; and strategic flexibility.

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The research presented in this article centres on an under-researched demographic group of young return migrants, namely, second-generation Barbadians, or 'Bajan-Brits', who have decided to 'return' to the birthplace of their parents. Based on 51 in-depth interviews, the essay examines the experiences of second-generation return migrants from an interpretative perspective framed within post-colonial discourse. The article first considers the Bajan-Brits and issues of race in the UK before their decision to migrate. It is then demonstrated that on 'return', in certain respects, these young, black English migrants occupy a liminal position of cultural, racial and economic privilege, based on their 'symbolic' or 'token' whiteness within the post-colonial context of Barbados. But this very hybridity and inbetweeness means that they also face difficulties and associated feelings of social alienation and discrimination. The ambivalent status of this transnational group of migrants serves to challenge traditional notions of Barbadian racial identity.