Inclusion or Exclusion? Trade union strategies and Labor migration

Inclusion or Exclusion? Trade Union Strategies and Labor Migration This research identified and analyzed immigration-related strategies of the Finnish Construction Trade Union (FCTU) and the Service Union United (SUU); e.g. how the unions react to labor immigration, whether unions seek to include migrants in the unions, and what is migrants’ position in the unions. The two unions were chosen as the focus of the research because the workforce in the sectors they represent is migrant-dense. The study also analyzed the experiences that migrants who work in these sectors have with trade unions. The Estonian labor market situation –including the role of Estonian trade unions– was also examined as it has a considerable impact on the operating environment of the FCTU. The results of the study indicate that immigration is a contradictory issue for both unions. On the one hand, they strive to include migrants as trade union members and to defend migrants’ labor rights. On the other hand, they, together with their umbrella organization the Central Organisation of Finnish Trade Unions (SAK), seek to prevent labor immigration from outside the EU and EEA countries. They actively defend current labor immigration restrictions by drawing atten- tion to high unemployment figures and to the breaches of working conditions migrants encounter. In contrast, the employer organizations promote a more liberal state policy on labor immigration because they see it as a boost for business. Both the unions and the employer organizations ground their arguments on national interest. However, the position of the trade union movement is not uniform: unions belonging to the Confederation of Unions for Professionals and Managerial Staff in Finland (Akava) embrace more liberal labor immigration stances than the SAK. A key trade union strategy is to try to guarantee that migrants’ working condi- tions do not differ from those of the natives. The FCTU and the SUU inform migrants about Finnish collective agreements and trade union membership in the most common migrant languages. This is important for the unions because it is not in their interest that migrants’ working conditions are undercut. The interviewed migrants said that natives had more negotiating power with employers, which is often negatively portrayed in migrants’ working conditions. Migrants perceive that trade unions have an important role in protecting their working conditions. However, they stressed that migrants’ knowledge of unions is often very limited. The number of migrants in both two unions studied here is increasing. Espe- cially in the SUU, a considerable proportion of the new members are migrants. The FCTU is in a more challenging situation than the SUU because migrant construc- tion workers often work only for short periods in Finland and are consequently not interested in becoming union members. The unions’ strategies partly differ: the FCTU was the first Finnish trade union to establish a trade union branch/lo- cal for migrant members. The goal is to facilitate migrants’ inclusion in the union and to highlight the specific problems they face. The SUU, for its part, insists that such a special strategy would exclude migrants within the union organization. Despite the unions’ strategies, migrants are still underrepresented as union members and officials, which some of the interviewed migrants saw as a problem. Immigrants’ perception of trade unions was pragmatic: they had joined unions when membership yielded concrete benefits. In spite of the unions’ strategies, migrants –and temporary migrants– encoun- ter specific problems in terms of working conditions. Both unions demand more state intervention to protect migrants’ labor rights because overseeing working conditions consumes union resources. However, without the unions’ intervention, these problems would be more common than is currently the case. For instance, some of the interviewed migrants had received trade union assistance in claim- ing unpaid wages. The study demonstrated with the help of building on Walter Korpi’s power resources theory, that immigration is a power resource issue for the unions: suc- cessful immigration-related strategies strengthen unions –and vice versa. The research also showed how the unions’ operating environments constrain and enable their immigration-related strategies. This study has illuminated a previously ignored dimension: the immigrant- inclusive strategies of the Finnish trade unions. The research material consists of 78 qualitative interviews, observation in trade union events, and trade unions’ and employer organizations’ public state- ments.

Ammattiliittojen rakenteen sekä muiden instituutioiden vaikutus kansalliseen kilpailukykyyn

This thesis examines the impact of structural characteristics of wage bargaining and unemployment insurance system of trade and labour unions and governmental institutions on national competitiveness. In addition, the effect currency union has on these factors is evaluated. The analysis is conducted on 17 EU- and ETA-countries through panel data regression. The results indicate that able governmental institutions enhance national competitiveness significantly and without exceptions. The competitive benefits of wage bargaining peak when wages are negotiated decentralized, above all when the country is a member of the Eurozone. This can be explained with the reduced capability of Eurozone governments to conduct efficient income policies in coordinated wage bargaining structure, since it lacks the means to exploit monetary policies which are exercised by a politically independent central bank.

Commerce in disguise : war and trade in the Caribbean free port of Gustavia, 1793–1815

ISBN 978-951-765-806-5Avhandlingen studerar frihamnen Gustavia på ön S:t Barthélemy, den svenska kolonin i Västindien, under de franska revolutionskrigen 1793-1815. Syftet är att kartlägga den ekonomiska aktiviteten genom Gustavia genom ett outforskat källmaterial och analysera hamnens roll i Västindien och i den atlantiska ekonomin under krigsåren. Det viktigaste resultatet av undersökningen är att den påvisar den kortvariga men exceptionella position som Gustavia fick under krigen, vilket ledde till att stora varuflöden gick genom den svenska kolonin och att sjöfart under svensk flagg i regionen tilltog. Krigskonjunkturen hämtade till ön ett stort antal nya invånare, framförallt från angränsande karibiska kolonier men också från USA och Europa. Frihamnen och ön fungerade kort under några decennier som en global marknadsplats i Västindien för handelsmän som kringgick blockader och handelsförbud. Vidare närmar sig även avhandlingen frågor om Sveriges engagemang i slavhandeln på ett systematiskt sätt, och demonstrerar att den svenska slavhandeln var mer omfattande än den tidigare forskningen visat, speciellt efter att rörelsen för slavhandelns förbud fått ett starkt fäste i Storbritannien. De tidigare stora internationella undersökningarna om slavhandeln har ofta missat det svenska inslaget. S:t Barthélemy har fått relativt lite uppmärksamhet i den svenska historieforskningen, och har ofta skildrats som ett exotiskt och ganska betydelselöst inslag i Sverige 1800-talshistoria. Mycket av den tidigare forskningen präglas av det nationalhistoriska perspektivet med kolonins länkar till Stockholm i blickfånget. Avhandlingen påvisar att länkarna mellan kolonin och Stockholm var fåtaliga och att dess ekonomiska betydelse för Sverige var ytterst liten. Däremot omvärderar avhandlingen kolonins betydelsefulla roll i ett större internationellt sammanhang. ----------------------------------------------------------- Väitöskirja käsittelee Gustavian vapaasatamaa Ruotsin Länsi-Intian siirtomaassa Saint-Barthélemyn saarella, Ranskan vallankumoussotien aikana 1793–1815. Tarkoitus on ollut kartoittaa Gustavian kautta kulkevaa taloudellista toimintaa tutkimattomien lähteiden avulla ja arvioida sataman asemaa Länsi-Intiassa sekä atlanttisessa taloudessa sotavuosina.Väitöskirjan tärkein tulos osoittaa sataman sotien aikana saavuttamaa lyhytkestoista mutta poikkeuksellista roolia, mikä johti suuren kaupankäynnin saapumiseen ruotsalaissiirtomaahan sekä siihen, että merenkulku ruotsalaisen lipun alla kiihtyi Länsi-Intian alueella. Sotatalouden nousukausi aikaansai pienelle saarelle muuttoliikkeen myötä suuren väestönkasvun, jonka lähteenä olivat pääsääntöisesti lähisaaret, mutta osa uusista asukkaista tuli myös Yhdysvalloista ja Euroopasta. Gustavian vapaasatama toimi muutaman vuosikymmenen ajan globaalina markkinapaikkana Länsi-Intian kauppamiehille, joilla oli tarve kiertää kauppasaartoja ja -kieltoja. Lisäksi väitöskirja lähestyy kysymystä Ruotsin osallistumisesta orjankauppaan ja osoittaa että ruotsalainen orjakauppa oli laajempaa kuin aiempi tutkimus on väittänyt, etenkin sen jälkeen kun kansanliike orjakauppaa vastaan oli saavuttanut vahvan tuen Iso-Britanniassa. Aiemmat laajat kansainväliset kartoitukset orjakaupasta ovat usein ohittaneet ruotsalaisten osallisuutta tässä yhteydessä. Saint-Barthélemy on aiemmin saanut suhteellisen vähän huomiota ruotsalaisessa historiankirjoituksessa, ja sitä on usein hahmoteltu eksoottisena ja melko merkityksettömänä osana Ruotsin 1800-luvun historiaa. Aiempaa tutkimusta on paljolti leimannut kansallinen historiankirjoitus, jonka keskeisenä kiinnostuksena ovat olleet saaren yhteydet Tukholmaan. Väitöskirja osoittaa kuitenkin että nämä yhteydet olivat heikkoja ja että siirtomaan taloudellinen merkitys Ruotsille oli hyvinkin pieni. Toisaalta väitöskirja arvioi siirtomaan todellista ja tärkeää roolia uudelleen sijoittamalla sen isompaan kansainväliseen asiayhteyteen.

The impact on advanced economies of north-south trade in manufacturing and services

Many types of production are being transferred from the rich economies of the North to the poorer economies of the South. Such changes began in manufacturing but are now spreading to services. This paper provides estimates of their past and future impact on employment in the North. About 5 million manufacturing jobs have been lost over the past decade because of trade with low-wage economies. A similar number of service jobs may be lost to low-wage economies over the next decade. Although small compared to total employment, such losses may seriously harm certain localities or types of worker.

The debt crisis: a re-appraisal

The 1980s' debt crisis is a landmark in developing economies' growth and stabilization. According to the most quoted empirical articles, external shocks and vicissitudes gave rise to crisis just because of delays in stabilization policies, engendered by internal conflicts and institutional immaturity. I review some of these papers, and find out some problems - in the measurement of shocks and foreign indebtedness, namely - whose corrections lead to opposite results: external shocks and foreign indebtedness explain that crisis regardless of domestic policies. At the same time, the strong correlation of income distribution to terms of trade changes and foreign indebtedness suggest that inequality may have contributed differently to that crisis: either through an economic channel, or through a political channel based on delays in reforms.

National exchange rate policies and international debt crises: how Brazil did not follow Argentina into a default in 2001-2002

This paper examines how exchange rate policies and IMF Stand-By Arrangements affect debt crises using econometrics and a comparison between Argentina and Brazil. It refines an existing diagram outlining crisis development to propose crisis prevention strategies. Flexible exchange rate policies reduce a country's probability of default by over 4%, but Stand-By Arrangements increase it by an inconsequential percentage. Unlike Argentina, Brazil avoided a default via a freely-floating exchange rate system, fiscal deficit reduction, and a cooperative and coordinated relationship with the IMF. The results provide policymakers from developing countries with lessons to manage their countries' default risks more effectively.

Political economy of preferential trade agreement: the case of bilateral asymmetric negotiation

The purpose of this paper is to analyse the political economy of preferential trade agreements based on a sequential non-cooperative Stackelberg political game between a large economy and a small one, in which the political dispute of rival lobby groups defines the unilateral stance of both governments in the first stage; and the Stackelberg "coalition-proof" equilibrium defines the free trade agreement format in the second stage. Finally, a few modifications in the initial game structure are discussed in order to enhance the small economy's negotiation power. The political economy model is applied to FTAA case.

Did ISI fail and is neoliberalism the answer for Latin America? Re-assessing common wisdom regarding economic policies in the region

The second phase of Import Substituting Industrialization, commonly known as ISI2, involved the move in Latin America to "heavy" industrialization, from around 1950-80. This period of economic history has been reviled on both the Left and the Right as being one of either heightened dependency or one demonstrating the clear failure of state intervention in the economy. In this research note, a basic statistical analysis is used to back up other descriptive claims that the ISI2 period was rather one of mixed success, with macroeconomic volatility accompanying great progress in GDP and manufacturing growth. In a sense, the ISI2 period succeeded in industrializing the large economies of the period, and contrasts favorably with the record of the succeeding paradigm of neoliberalism. This research note seeks to raise questions about the way we look at the historical period of ISI2, and suggests that a more open-minded perspective could lead to a more effective and sustainable political economy paradigm for the region in the future.