932 resultados para democratic consolidation


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Over the past few decades substantial progress has been achieved in the democratisation and modernisation of the countries of Southeastern Europe. The formal democratic institutions were introduced, a liberalisation of trade resulted in the reintegration of the region into the global economy and some of them successfully applied to join the EU and NATO. But the transformation process is far from over. In the past years the achievements of the political and economic transformation have been rolled back and the quality of governance has declined in many countries. To avoid a further deterioration of the situation in the region the new impulse for institutional transformation and a change of the development model are needed. This report is the outcome of a discussion held during the conference “The Freedom Challenge in Southeastern Europe – Implications for Poland”. This joint event was developed by the Centre for Eastern Studies and Ideas Lab – the President’s Expert Programme at the Chancellery of the President of the Republic of Poland. The chapters of the report reflect the main three subjects debated during the conference. In the first chapter Spasimir Domaradzki assesses the rule of law and its influence on the consolidation of democracy in the region. In the second chapter Marta Szpala focuses on economic development in Southeastern Europe. The third chapter is written by Adam Balcer and analyses the key instruments Russia is using to build influence in this region.

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The ‘Catholic question’ in contemporary Portugal obliges us to consider whether Catholicism will remain a force in Portuguese associational life in the next century, or whether it faces a future of slow and steady decline. On the one hand, an overall statistical drop of church membership, and the lack of religious practice by almost half of self-identified Roman Catholics, suggests that the future of the Catholic Church in Portugal will probably be very different than the past. On the other hand, the church’s support for democratic processes, the important social services it provides, and its educational establishment, have certainly been a positive factor in Portuguese associational life, and helped the larger process of democratic-regime consolidation since the Carnation Revolution of 1974. This paper suggests that social scientists need to move beyond the lens normally applied to the question of Catholicism in contemporary Europe (i.e. it is a dying, anti-modern, anti-rational, conservative institution), and instead consider the complex interplay of its demographic challenges combined with the popular sources of its theological and spiritual strength, as well as its vital societal contributions, to assess whether or not it will remain a force in Portuguese associational life in the future.

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Arab views on democratic citizenship – and on EU support Much has been said about the EU’s general response to the Arab spring. And much has been written about regimes’ resistance to the far-reaching reform demanded by protestors across the Arab world. We have been engaged in a project (www.euspring.com) exploring one very specific dimension of these political trends and social debates: the question of how citizens in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) understand the concept of democratic citizenship. Within our project, our local affiliated research organizations ran throughout 2014 a series of focus groups in Morocco, Egypt and Tunisia with a range of civic stakeholders. The aim of these meetings was to explore how citizens in the three countries understand democratic citizenship and how they view EU efforts to support political reform.

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From the Introduction. Arab revolutions have sparked real hopes for democracy, but the situation varies from one state to another and change has taken various directions, with unpredictable outcomes in the future. In light of current events, most of these countries seem to have failed in their democratic transition and also face the dissolution of their state apparatus in bloody civil wars. This leaves the door open to interpretations associating democracy with chaos. In this view, preserving post-colonial states – authoritarian in most cases – is better than having no state at all. This partially justified the coup that took place in Egypt, where the ‘Deep State’ has recovered its capabilities in a dictatorial manner. The Arab world thus faced an impasse: the state is either stable but authoritarian or democratic yet threatened with dissolution. The dilemma results in an impossible choice between stable dictatorship or freedom ending in chaos.

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The 7 March EU-Turkey migration crisis summit took place three days after the Turkish authorities seized Feza media group, which includes Turkey’s largest circulation daily Zaman and its English language sister paper Today’s Zaman. The seizure was the latest development in the worst crackdown on fundamental rights and freedoms Turkey has witnessed in decades. Yet because Turkey is vital in dealing with the migration/refugee crisis, the EU’s response was meek to say the least. For the first time since the Cold War – when Turkey was key in shoring up Europe’s security – Ankara has found itself in a particular position of strength. Turkey has skillfully exploited the EU’s and particularly German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s urgent need to find a way out of the crisis.

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The 7 March EU-Turkey migration crisis summit took place three days after the Turkish authorities seized Feza media group, which includes Turkey’s largest circulation daily Zaman and its English language sister paper Today’s Zaman. The seizure was the latest development in the worst crackdown on fundamental rights and freedoms Turkey has witnessed in decades. Yet because Turkey is vital in dealing with the migration/refugee crisis, the EU’s response was meek to say the least. For the first time since the Cold War – when Turkey was key in shoring up Europe’s security – Ankara has found itself in a particular position of strength. Turkey has skillfully exploited the EU’s and particularly German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s urgent need to find a way out of the crisis.

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Founded in 1963 by two prominent Austrians living in exile – the sociologist Paul F. Lazarsfeld and the economist Oskar Morgenstern – with the financial support from the Ford Foundation, the Austrian Federal Ministry of Education, and the City of Vienna, the Institute for Advanced Studies (IHS) is the first institution for postgraduate education and research in economics and the social sciences in Austria. The Political Science Series presents research done at the Department of Political Science and aims to share “work in progress” before formal publication. It includes papers by the Department’s teaching and research staff, visiting professors, graduate students, visiting fellows, and invited participants in seminars, workshops, and conferences. As usual, authors bear full responsibility for the content of their contributions.

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Horizontal coordination, where actors join together to accomplish a common task, has been applauded for its output legitimacy. However, such processes often face challenges due to opposition from local actors who raise concerns about democratic legitimacy and accountability. Moving beyond a logic of effectiveness, we aim to show how and why other forms of legitimacy such as input and throughput dimensions also affect horizontal coordination, in addition to output criteria. Beyond the assumed positive relationship between coordination and effectiveness, we additionally expect horizontal coordination to be (a) impeded by local actors' fear of losing democratic legitimacy; and (b) fostered by accountability in terms of the steering capacity of the state. A comparative case study analysis of water supply structures at the regional level in Switzerland shows, in contrast to our expectation, that effectiveness has mixed impacts on horizontal coordination. Rather than being solely a positive factor for horizontal coordination, certain output criteria such as financial redistribution are found to be a key hindrance. We also find that democratic legitimacy may, indeed, impede horizontal coordination whereas increased accountability positively affects such coordination.

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A series of samples from the five sites drilled across the continental shelf and upper slope in Prydz Bay during ODP Leg 119 were consolidation tested in an oedometer. Preconsolidation stresses increase downcore at Sites 739 and 742 in a stepwise manner, and the steps are interpreted to represent periods of increased action of grounded glaciers covering the entire shelf. By the use of theoretical ice sheet surface profiles giving the range of possible ice thicknesses, sediment loading and subsequent erosion seem to be the most important factor for increasing the overconsolidation ratios, and a total glacial erosion exceeding 1 km is possible. Four separate steps in consolidation, here termed "load events" have been identified. The lowermost load event, 1, is correlated to the onset of glaciations reaching the shelf edge and an early period of extensive glaciations, starting in early Oligocene or possibly earlier. Glacial activity related to the buildup of ice in West Antarctica in the late Miocene is tentatively correlated to load event 2. Event 3 is the trace of relatively extensive glacial erosion probably in the Pliocene, whereas the upper step in preconsolidation stress, load event 4, results from the last glaciation reaching the shelf edge, possibly during the late Weichselian. Correlations to other data related to Antarctic glacial history are, however, hampered by the poor age control of the cored diamictites. Consolidation tests may provide a tool for finding the position for hiatuses and unconformities formed subglacially and obscured by subglacial reworking.

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In order to determine the shear parameters of the forearc sedimentary strata drilled during Ocean Drilling Program Leg 186, West Pacific Seismic Network, Japan Trench, eight whole-round samples were selected from different depths in the drilled sections of Sites 1150 and 1151. Whereas Site 1150 lays above the seismically active part of the subduction zone, Site 1151 is situated in an aseismic zone. The aim of the triaxial tests was, apart from determination of the static stress strain behavior of the sediments, to test the hypothesis that the static stress strain parameter could differ for each sites. In order to simulate undrained deformation conditions according to the high clay mineral content of the strata, consolidated undrained shear tests were performed in a triaxial testing setup. Measurements of water content, grain density, organic content, and microtextural investigations under the scanning electron microscope (SEM) accompanied the compression experiments. After the saturation and consolidation stages were completed, failure occurred in the compression stage of the experiments at peak strengths of 280-7278 kPa. The stiffness moduli calculated for each sample from differential stress vs. strain curves show a linear relationship with depth and range between 181 and 5827 kPa. Under the SEM, the artificial fault planes of the tested specimen only show partial alignment of clay minerals because of the high content of microfossils.

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Consolidation tests were performed on 19 samples of calcareous ooze from the Ontong Java Plateau, obtained during Ocean Drilling Program Leg 130. Rebound curves from consolidation tests on Ontong Java Plateau samples yield porosity rebounds of 1%-4% for these sediments at equivalent depths up to 1200 mbsf. The exception is a radiolarian-rich sample that has 6% rebound. A rebound correction derived from the porosity rebound vs. depth data has been combined with a correction for pore-water expansion to correct the shipboard laboratory porosity data to in-situ values. Comparison of the laboratory porosity data corrected in this manner with the downhole log data shows good agreement.