743 resultados para Voting registrars
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“Faithful Genres” examines how African Americans adapted the genres of the black church during the civil rights movement. Civil rights mass meetings, as the movement’s so-called “energy machine” and “heartbeat,” serve as the project’s central site of inquiry for these meetings were themselves adaptations of the genre of the black church service. The mass meetings served as the space to draw people into the movement, encourage people toward further activism, and testify to anyone watching that the African American community was working toward desegregation, voting rights, and racial equality. In Martin Luther King, Jr.’s words, “Through these meetings we were able to generate the power and depth which finally galvanized the entire Negro community.” In these weekly or sometimes even nightly meetings, participants inhabited the familiar genres of the black church, song, prayer, and testimony. As they did, they remade these genres to respond directly to white supremacy and to enact the changes they sought to create. While scholars have studied the speeches men and women such as King, Ralph Abernathy, and Fannie Lou Hamer delivered at meetings (Wilson; Selby; Holmes; Brooks), scholars have yet to examine how civil rights mass meetings functioned through a range of genres and rhetors. My study addresses this absence and invigorates this discussion to demonstrate how the other meeting genres beyond the speech—song, prayer, and testimony—functioned to create energy, sustenance, and motivation for activists. Examining these collectively enacted genres, I show how rhetors adapted song, prayer, and testimony toward strategic interventions. I also examine how activists took these same genres up outside the meetings to circulate them in broader contexts for new audiences. By recovering and defining the mass meeting as a flexible repertoire of genres and then examining the redeployment of meeting genres outside the meeting, “Faithful Genres” contributes to histories of civil rights and African American rhetorics, genre studies, and histories of religious rhetorics.
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Chapter 1: Under the average common value function, we select almost uniquely the mechanism that gives the seller the largest portion of the true value in the worst situation among all the direct mechanisms that are feasible, ex-post implementable and individually rational. Chapter 2: Strategy-proof, budget balanced, anonymous, envy-free linear mechanisms assign p identical objects to n agents. The efficiency loss is the largest ratio of surplus loss to efficient surplus, over all profiles of non-negative valuations. The smallest efficiency loss is uniquely achieved by the following simple allocation rule: assigns one object to each of the p−1 agents with the highest valuation, a large probability to the agent with the pth highest valuation, and the remaining probability to the agent with the (p+1)th highest valuation. When “envy freeness” is replaced by the weaker condition “voluntary participation”, the optimal mechanism differs only when p is much less than n. Chapter 3: One group is to be selected among a set of agents. Agents have preferences over the size of the group if they are selected; and preferences over size as well as the “stand-outside” option are single-peaked. We take a mechanism design approach and search for group selection mechanisms that are efficient, strategy-proof and individually rational. Two classes of such mechanisms are presented. The proposing mechanism allows agents to either maintain or shrink the group size following a fixed priority, and is characterized by group strategy-proofness. The voting mechanism enlarges the group size in each voting round, and achieves at least half of the maximum group size compatible with individual rationality.
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Since the findings of a Fatal Accident Inquiry (FAI) in 2010, clinicians working in Scotland have been advised to discuss the risk of Sudden Unexpected Death in Epilepsy (SUDEP) with patients immediately or soon after a diagnosis of epilepsy is made. A thematic analysis was used to describe the experiences discussing SUDEP of 10 clinicians (six Consultant Neurologists and four Neurology Registrars) working in Scotland. Five themes were found: Clinicians employ a ‘SUDEP protocol’, suggesting there is a standardised way of discussing SUDEP with patients and all clinicians routinely discuss SUDEP with newly diagnosed epilepsy patients; The FAI has diffused into practice through meetings and discussions with colleagues; ‘Breaking Good News’ refers to the ambivalence clinicians feel about discussing SUDEP; ‘Falsely anticipating anxiety’ refers to clinicians anticipating a distressed response from patients despite this very rarely occurring; Clinicians suggest that ‘pressure hinders effective communication’ to patients – suggesting that the pressure to discuss SUDEP early after diagnosis may have an emotional impact on patients and affect the amount of information they can take in. Implications for guideline development are discussed.
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Wydział Matematyki i Informatyki UAM
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Występowanie akcji wielogłosowych w spółkach publicznych nie zawsze jest postrzegane jako zjawisko pozytywne. Niektóre regulacje zachodnioeuropejskie wyłączyły dopuszczalność wprowadzania akcji wielogłosowych albo doprowadziły do ich ograniczenia. Polski ustawodawca przyjął rozwiązanie, zgodnie z którym w spółce akcyjnej (niepublicznej) maksymalny pułap uprzywilejowania głosowego wynosi dwa głosy na jedną akcję. W odniesieniu jednak do spółki publicznej posłużono się niefortunnym sformułowaniem „uprzywilejowanie co do głosu nie dotyczy spółki publicznej”. W doktrynie napotkać można różnice w poglądach, co do obecnie obowiązujących przepisów regulujących tytułową problematykę. Wskazuje się, że przepis art. 351 § 2 zdanie drugie Kodeksu spółek handlowych może być rozumiany niejednolicie. Występowanie wielogłosowych akcji w spółkach publicznych wiąże się między innymi ze zmianą stanu prawnego, ale także, ze stanem faktycznym polegającym na uzyskaniu przez spółkę niepubliczną (prywatną) statusu spółki publicznej. Publikacja obejmuje teoretyczno-prawne rozważania związane z akcjami wielogłosowymi w spółkach publicznych. Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie tytułowej problematyki, począwszy od zagadnienia akcji wielogłosowych ustanowionych na gruncie nieobowiązującego już stanu prawnego, a zakończywszy na upublicznieniu spółki i wynikających z tego konsekwencjach w odniesieniu do akcji uprzywilejowanych co do głosu.
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Instytucja mężów zaufania, często określana mianem „niemych obserwatorów wyborów”, traktowana jest z dużym dystansem i budzi wśród przedstawicieli doktryny prawa konstytucyjnego, jak również świata polityki, wiele wątpliwości. Zadaniem mężów zaufania jest reprezentowanie podczas wyborów interesu kandydata, bądź listy kandydatów, przed komisją wyborczą i czuwanie nad prawidłowym przebiegiem czynności wyborczych, w tym przede wszystkim zliczaniem głosów i ustalaniem wyników wyborów. Ma zatem istotne znaczenie dla zapewnienia rzetelności i uczciwości procedur wyborczych, jak również poszanowania podstawowych zasad prawa wyborczego, w szczególności zasady powszechności i wolności wyborów oraz tajności głosowania. Niestety w Kodeksie wyborczym uregulowana jest stosunkowo fragmentarycznie, zaś jej dookreślenie znajduje się w wytycznych Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej. Przed wyborami pojawiają się również różne (opracowywane najczęściej przez partie polityczne) instrukcje, określane także mianem vademecum, czy poradniki dla mężów zaufania, których treść może budzić wątpliwości. Wywołuje to potrzebę debaty przedstawicieli doktryny i polityków nad funkcjami i konstrukcją prawną instytucji mężów zaufania w polskim prawie wyborczym, jak i stosownymi jego zmianami.
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Fast Track Authority (FTA) is the institutional procedure in the Unites States whereby Congress grants to the President the power to negotiate international trade agreements. Under FTA, Congress can only approve or reject negotiated trade deals, with no possibility of amending them. In this paper, we examine the determinants of FTA voting decisions and the implications of this institutional procedure for trade negotiations. We describe a simple two-country trade model, in which industries are unevenly distributed across con- stituencies. In the foreign country, trade negotiating authority is delegated to the executive, while in the home country Congress can retain the power to amend trade agreements. We show that legislators’ FTA voting behavior depends on the trade policy interests of their own constituencies as well as those of the majority of Congress. Empirical analysis of the determinants of all FTA votes between 1974 (when fast track was first introduced) and 2002 (when it was last granted) provides strong support for the predictions of our model.
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One of the few stylized facts in international relations is that democracies, unlike autoc- racies, very rarely fight each other. We examine the sustainability of international peace between democracies and autocracies, where the crucial difference between these two po- litical regimes is whether or not policymakers are subject to periodic elections. We show that the fear of losing office can deter democratic leaders from engaging in military con- flicts. Crucially, this discipline effect can only be at work if incumbent leaders can be re-elected, implying that democracies in which the executives are subject to term limits should be more conflict prone. To assess the validity of our predictions, we construct a large dataset on countries with executive term limits. Our analysis of inter-state conflicts for the 1816-2001 period suggests that electoral incentives are indeed behind the democratic peace phenomenon: while democratic dyads are in general less likely to be involved in conflicts than any other dyads, this result does not hold for democracies in which the executive faces binding term limits; moreover, the dispute patterns of democracies with term limits depend on whether the executive is in the last or penultimate mandate.
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Grounded in the intersection between gender politics and electoral studies, this dissertation examines the demobilizing effects of violations of personal space (in the form of domestic violence, control over mobility, emotional abuse, and sexual harassment) on the propensity to vote. Using quantitative methods across four survey datasets concerning Lebanon, the United States, Morocco, and Yemen, this research concludes that cross-regionally, familial control over mobility reduces the propensity to vote among women. Conversely, mechanisms of empowerment such as education and employment increase the propensity to vote.
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The main objective of the study about the citizenship development in elderly attended by the Conviver Program of the City Hall of Campina Grande in Paraiba, Brazil was to evaluate how the actions of the Program contribute for the citizenship practice according to the users. The Citizenship analyzed is the existence of political, civil and social rights according to Marshall. For that it was utilized a descriptive research and a study of case based on technical procedure. The research was settled by the people who are benefited by the Conviver Program of the Snow Hair Group and the sample was formed by the active participants that it is in the Group for over ten years, corresponding to a total of ten elderly. For the data collection was utilized basic questionnaire in function of the low schooling of the interviewed, according to Marshall (2002) theory about the citizenship construction from each person. It was utilized the methodological procedure proposed by Bardin (2006), categorical analysis, in the qualitative data analysis, that was divided in four parts. In relation to Political Rights, noted that the program has stimulated your Watched on the exercise of voting and being voted. On the Civil Rights was observed that the Program has given incentive to actions which provide the users the justice rights in and in occupational activities as a job. In relation to Social Rights it was observed that the Conviver Program has contributed in order that its users can lead their lives according to the standards imposed by the society, which have being failed in the education area. As for the type of citizenship it was verified that the Program has given incentive to the served users, becoming more evidence on the speech basis
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This book presents the main results of an electoral panel study which is both unique and innovative not only in French political research but also among Western European electoral studies. The survey was conducted among a sample of 1,846 French voters interviewed on four separate occasions (2007 Presidential and Legislative elections). Electoral trajectories can thus be observed revealing the main trends in electoral behaviour and voting patterns across the electorate. The analysis of such trajectories and patterns mobilizes not only the usual explanatory factors (demographics, political leanings and identifications) but also another set of political variables (issues, the campaign and the media, the candidates' image, how electoral decisions are made, hesitation in voting intentions).This study also provides interesting findings on electoral volatility, including abstention. (Résumé éditeur)
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Background: To achieve good outcomes in critically ill obstetric patients, it is necessary to identify organ dysfunction rapidly so that life-saving interventions can be appropriately commenced. However, timely access to clinical chemistry results is problematic, even in referral institutions, in the sub-Saharan African region. Reliable point-of-care tests licensed for clinical use are now available for lactate and creatinine. Aim: We aimed to assess whether implementation of point-of-care testing for lactate and creatinine is feasible in the obstetric unit at the Queen Elizabeth Central Hospital (QECH) in Blantyre, Malawi, by obtaining the opinions of clinical staff on the use of these tests in practice. Methods: During a two-month evaluation period nurse-midwives, medical interns, clinical officers, registrars, and consultants were given the opportunity to use StatStrip® and StatSensor® (Nova Biomedical, Waltham, USA) devices, for lactate and creatinine estimation, as part of their routine clinical practice in the obstetric unit. They were subsequently asked to complete a short questionnaire. Results: Thirty-seven questionnaires were returned by participants: 22 from nurse-midwives and the remainder from clinicians. The mean satisfaction score for the devices was 7.6/10 amongst clinicians and 8.0/10 amongst nurse-midwives. The majority of participants stated that the obstetric high dependency unit (HDU) was the most suitable location for the devices. For lactate, 31 participants strongly agreed that testing should be continued and 24 strongly agreed that it would influence patient management. For creatinine, 29 strongly agreed that testing should be continued and 28 strongly agreed that it would influence their patient management. Twenty participants strongly agreed that they trust point-of-care devices. Conclusions: Point-of-care clinical chemistry testing was feasible, practical, and well received by staff, and was considered to have a useful role to play in the clinical care of sick obstetric patients at this referral centre.
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In elections, majority divisions pave the way to focal manipulations and coordination failures, which can lead to the victory of the wrong candidate. This paper shows how this flaw can be addressed if voter preferences over candidates are sensitive to information. We consider two potential sources of divisions: majority voters may have similar preferences but opposite information about the candidates, or opposite preferences. We show that when information is the source of majority divisions, Approval Voting features a unique equilibrium with full information and coordination equivalence. That is, it produces the same outcome as if both information and coordination problems could be resolved. Other electoral systems, such as Plurality and Two-Round elections, do not satisfy this equivalence. The second source of division is opposite preferences. Whenever the fraction of voters with such preferences is not too large, Approval Voting still satisfies full information and coordination equivalence.
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This dissertation examines black officeholding in Wilmington, North Carolina, from emancipation in 1865 through 1876, when Democrats gained control of the state government and brought Reconstruction to an end. It considers the struggle for black office holding in the city, the black men who held office, the dynamic political culture of which they were a part, and their significance in the day-to-day lives of their constituents. Once they were enfranchised, black Wilmingtonians, who constituted a majority of the city’s population, used their voting leverage to negotiate the election of black men to public office. They did so by using Republican factionalism or what the dissertation argues was an alternative partisanship. Ultimately, it was not factional divisions, but voter suppression, gerrymandering, and constitutional revisions that made local government appointive rather than elective, Democrats at the state level chipped away at the political gains black Wilmingtonians had made.
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The literature on preferences for redistribution has paid little attention to the effect of social mobility on the demand for redistribution, which is in contrast with the literature on class-voting, where studies on the effect of social mobility has been very common. Some works have addressed this issue but no systematic test of the hypotheses connecting social mobility and preferences has been done. In this paper we use the diagonal reference models to estimate the effect of origin and destination class on preferences for redistribution in a sample of European countries using data from the European Social Survey. Our findings indicate that social origin matters to a little extent to explain preferences, as newcomers tend to adopt the preferences of the destination class. Moreover, we have found only limited evidence supporting the acculturation hypothesis and not support for the status maximization hypothesis. Furthermore, the effect of social origin varies largely between countries. In a second step of the analysis we investigate what are the national factors explaining this variation. The empirical evidence we present leads to conclude that high rates of upward social mobility sharply reduce the effect of social origin on preferences for redistribution