846 resultados para Socio-economic condition
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[ES]Rumbo al Gran Banco parte de los comienzos de la pesca industrial del bacalao española en el primer tercio del siglo XX, la situación que allí encontraron, los avatares humanos y los avances tecnológicos que se van incorporando, la Guerra Civil y la guerra mundial, la bonanza pesquera, la incorporación de las parejas, la concurrencia, así como la exploración de todo el Gran Banco. La gestión por parte de Canadá de las doscientas millas marinas y la moratoria del bacalao. También se presenta la historia de la pesca en Galicia y Terranova a lo largo de todo el siglo XX, dos territorios que comparten el mismo océano y una mirada puesta en la mar.
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A pesquisa analisou a psicodinâmica do reconhecimento no trabalho de informática da Câmara dos Deputados investigando a organização do trabalho, as contradições entre o trabalho prescrito e o trabalho real e as vivências de prazer e sofrimento dos concursados e terceirizados. O método utilizado foi da psicodinâmica do trabalho com apoio da análise de discurso. Os dados coletados foram classificados como: organização do trabalho; vivências de prazer e sofrimento; e reconhecimento. Após a investigação os resultados comprovaram a precarização e fragilidade sócio-econômica dos terceirizados, apesar da visibilidade e reconhecimento de suas tarefas e, por parte dos concursados, sobrecarga e características de narcisismo.
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Executive Summary: This study describes the socio-economic characteristics of the U.S. Caribbean trap fishery that encompasses the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico and Territory of the U.S. Virgin Islands. In-person interviews were administered to one hundred randomly selected trap fishermen, constituting nearly 25% of the estimated population. The sample was stratified by geographic area and trap tier. The number of traps owned or fished to qualify for a given tier varied by island. In Puerto Rico, tier I consisted of fishermen who had between 1-40 fish traps, tier II was made up of fishermen who possessed between 41 and 100 fish traps, and tier III consisted of fishermen who held in excess of 100 fish traps. In St. Thomas and St. John, tier I was composed of fishermen who held between 1 and 50 fish traps, tier II consisted of fishermen who had between 51-150 fish traps and tier III was made up of fishermen who had in excess of 150 fish traps. Lastly, in St. Croix, tier I was made up of fishermen who had less than 20 fish traps and tier II consisted of fishermen who had 20 or more fish traps. The survey elicited information on household demographics, annual catch and revenue, trap usage, capital investment on vessels and equipment, fixed and variable costs, behavioral response to a hypothetical trap reduction program and the spatial distribution of traps. The study found that 79% of the sampled population was 40 years or older. The typical Crucian trap fisherman was older than their Puerto Rican and St. Thomian and St. Johnian counterparts. Crucian fishermen’s average age was 57 years whereas Puerto Rican fishermen’s average age was 51 years, and St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen’s average age was 48 years. As a group, St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen had 25 years of fishing experience, and Puerto Rican and Crucian fishermen had 30, and 29 years, respectively. Overall, 90% of the households had at least one dependent. The average number of dependents across islands was even, ranging between 2.8 in the district of St. Thomas and St. John and 3.4 in the district of St. Croix. The percentage utilization of catch for personal or family use was relatively low. Regionally, percentage use of catch for personal or family uses ranged from 2.5% in St. Croix to 3.8% in the St. Thomas and St. John. About 47% of the respondents had a high school degree. The majority of the respondents were highly dependent on commercial fishing for their household income. In St. Croix, commercial fishing made up 83% of the fishermen’s total household income, whereas in St. Thomas and St. John and Puerto Rico it contributed 74% and 68%, respectively. The contribution of fish traps to commercial fishing income ranged from 51% in the lowest trap tier in St. Thomas and St. John to 99% in the highest trap tier in St. Croix. On an island basis, the contribution of fish traps to fishing income was 75% in St. Croix, 61% in St. Thomas and St. John, and 59% in Puerto Rico. The value of fully rigged vessels ranged from $400 to $250,000. Over half of the fleet was worth $10,000 or less. The St. Thomas and St. John fleet reported the highest mean value, averaging $58,518. The Crucian and Puerto Rican fleets were considerably less valuable, averaging $19,831 and $8,652, respectively. The length of the vessels ranged from 14 to 40 feet. Fifty-nine percent of the sampled vessels were at least 23 feet in length. The average length of the St. Thomas and St. John fleet was 28 feet, whereas the fleets based in St. Croix and Puerto Rico averaged 21 feet. The engine’s propulsion ranged from 8 to 400 horsepower (hp). The mean engine power was 208 hp in St. Thomas and St. John, 108 hp in St. Croix, and 77 hp in Puerto Rico. Mechanical trap haulers and depth recorders were the most commonly used on-board equipment. About 55% of the sampled population reported owning mechanical trap haulers. In St. Thomas and St. John, 100% of the respondents had trap haulers compared to 52% in Puerto Rico and 20% in St. Croix. Forty-seven percent of the fishermen surveyed stated having depth recorders. Depth recorders were most common in the St. Thomas and St. John fleet (80%) and least common in the Puerto Rican fleet (37%). The limited presence of emergency position indication radio beacons (EPIRBS) and radar was the norm among the fish trap fleet. Only 8% of the respondents had EPIRBS and only 1% had radar. Interviewees stated that they fished between 1 and 350 fish traps. Puerto Rican respondents fished on average 39 fish traps, in contrast to St. Thomian and St. Johnian and Crucian respondents, who fished 94 and 27 fish traps, respectively. On average, Puerto Rican respondents fished 11 lobster traps, and St. Thomian and St. Johnian respondents fished 46 lobster traps. None of the Crucian respondents fished lobster traps. The number of fish traps built or purchased ranged between 0 and 175, and the number of lobster traps built or bought ranged between 0 and 200. Puerto Rican fishermen on average built or purchased 30 fish traps and 14 lobster traps, and St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen built or bought 30 fish traps and 11 lobster traps. Crucian fishermen built or bought 25 fish traps and no lobster traps. As a group, fish trap average life ranged between 1.3 and 5 years, and lobster traps lasted slightly longer, between 1.5 and 6 years. The study found that the chevron or arrowhead style was the most common trap design. Puerto Rican fishermen owned an average of 20 arrowhead traps. St. Thomian and St. Johnian and Crucian fishermen owned an average of 44 and 15 arrowhead fish traps, respectively. The second most popular trap design was the square trap style. Puerto Rican fishermen had an average of 9 square traps, whereas St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen had 33 traps and Crucian fishermen had 2 traps. Antillean Z (or S) -traps, rectangular and star traps were also used. Although Z (or S) -traps are considered the most productive trap design, fishermen prefer the smaller-sized arrowhead and square traps because they are easier and less expensive to build, and larger numbers of them can be safely deployed. The cost of a fish trap, complete with rope and buoys, varied significantly due to the wide range of construction materials utilized. On average, arrowhead traps commanded $94 in Puerto Rico, $251 in St. Thomas and St. John, and $119 in St. Croix. The number of trips per week ranged between 1 and 6. However, 72% of the respondents mentioned that they took two trips per week. On average, Puerto Rican fishermen took 2.1 trips per week, St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen took 1.4 trips per week, and Crucian fishermen took 2.5 trips per week. Most fishing trips started at dawn and finished early in the afternoon. Over 82% of the trips lasted 8 hours or less. On average, Puerto Rican fishermen hauled 27 fish traps per trip whereas St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen and Crucian fishermen hauled 68 and 26 fish traps per trip, respectively. The number of traps per string and soak time varied considerably across islands. In St. Croix, 84% of the respondents had a single trap per line, whereas in St. Thomas and St. John only 10% of the respondents had a single trap per line. Approximately, 43% of Puerto Rican fishermen used a single trap line. St. Thomian and St. Johnian fishermen soaked their traps for 6.9 days while Puerto Rican and Crucian fishermen soaked their traps for 5.7 and 3.6 days, respectively. The heterogeneity of the industry was also evidenced by the various economic surpluses generated. The survey illustrated that higher gross revenues did not necessarily translate into higher net revenues. Our analysis also showed that, on average, vessels in the trap fishery were able to cover their cash outlays, resulting in positive vessel income (i.e., financial profits). In Puerto Rico, annual financial profits ranged from $4,760 in the lowest trap tier to $32,467 in the highest tier, whereas in St. Thomas and St. John annual financial profits ranged from $3,744 in the lowest tier to $13,652 in the highest tier. In St. Croix, annual financial profits ranged between $9,229 and $15,781. The survey also showed that economic profits varied significantly across tiers. Economic profits measure residual income after deducting the remuneration required to keep the various factors of production in their existing employment. In Puerto Rico, annual economic profits ranged from ($9,339) in the lowest trap tier to $ 8,711 in the highest trap tier. In St. Thomas and St. John, annual economic profits ranged from ($7,920) in the highest tier to ($18,486) in the second highest tier. In St. Croix, annual economic profits ranged between ($7,453) to $10,674. The presence of positive financial profits and negative economic profits suggests that higher economic returns could be earned from a societal perspective by redirecting some of these scarce capital and human resources elsewhere in the economy. Furthermore, the presence of negative economic earnings is evidence that the fishery is overcapitalized and that steps need to be taken to ensure the long-run economic viability of the industry. The presence of positive financial returns provides managers with a window of opportunity to adopt policies that will strengthen the biological and economic performance of the fishery while minimizing any adverse impacts on local fishing communities. Finally, the document concludes by detailing how the costs and earnings information could be used to develop economic models that evaluate management proposals. (PDF contains 147 pages)
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This manual presents geographic information by state of occurrence, and descriptions of the socio-economic impact created by the invasion of non-indigenous and native transplanted animal species in the Laurentian Great Lakes and the coastal waters of the United States. It is not a comprehensive literature review, but rather is intended as a primer for those unfamiliar with the socio-economic impacts of invasive aquatic and marine animals. Readers should also note that the information contained in this manual is current as of its publication date. New information and new species are routinely being added to the wider literature base. Most of the information was gathered from a number of web sites maintained by government agencies, commissions, academic institutions and museums. Additional information was taken from the primary and secondary literature. This manual focuses on socio-economic consequences of invasive species. Thus, ecological impacts, when noted in the literature, are not discussed unless a connection to socio-economic factors can be made. For a majority of the species listed, either the impact of their invasion is not understood, or it is not published in sources surveyed. In the species summaries, sources of information are cited except for information from the U.S. Geological Survey’s (USGS) Nonindigenous Aquatic Species Database http://nas.er.usgs.gov. This website formed the base information used in creating tables on geographic distribution, and in many of the species summaries provided. Thus, whenever information is given without specific author/source and date citation, it has come from this comprehensive source. (PDF contains 90 pages)
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399 p.:il.
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After reviewing the rather thin literature on the subject, we investigate the relationship between aquaculture and poverty based on a case study of five coastal communities in the Philippines. The analysis relies on a data set collated through a questionnaire survey of 148 households randomly selected in these five communities. The methodological approach combines the qualitative analysis of how this relationship is perceived by the surveyed households and a quantitative analysis of the levels and determinants of poverty and inequality in these communities. There is overwhelming evidence that aquaculture benefits the poor in important ways and that it is perceived very positively by the poor and non-poor alike. In particular, the poor derive a relatively larger share of their income from aquaculture than the rich, and a lowering of the poverty line only reinforces this result. Further, a Gini decomposition exercise shows unambiguously that aquaculture represents an inequality-reducing source of income. We believe that the pro-poor character of brackish water aquaculture in the study areas is explained by the fact that the sector provides employment to a large number of unskilled workers in communities characterized by large surpluses of labour. Our results also suggest that the analysis of the relationship between aquaculture and poverty should not focus exclusively on the socio-economic status of the farm operator/owner, as has often been the case in the past. [PDF contains 51 pages]
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The aims of this paper are twofold. Firstly to characterise rural poverty and to give a broad overview of the agro-ecological, climatic and socio-economic conditions in Sri Lanka which shape poverty. Secondly to present the methodology employed to screen suitable field research areas and the techniques subsequently used to carry out Rapid Rural Appraisal in two upper-watersheds villages. Also presented are details of a concurrent stakeholder analysis that aimed to investigate the capacity of secondary stakeholders to promote sustainable aquatic resource development and to invite their participation in the formulation of a participatory research agenda.[PDF contains 58 pages]
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Recruitment and commercial catches of European eel have been in decline since the late 1970s. So far, the reasons are not well understood. A range of potential natural and anthropogenic reasons have been discussed, but the relative importance of the factors is unknown. As a consequence of the decline in recruitment an urgent need for protective management measures was concluded. The main approach is to restrict the fishery on eel, in particular with reference to the precautionary approach. However, in view of the lack of knowledge on the factors responsible for the recruitment decline and by considering that many yellow and silver eel stocks in freshwaters depend on restocking by the fishery, such simplified conclusions are critically discussed. A concept for the sustainable management of eel has to include 1) research on the factors determining the population dynamics, in particular during the oceanic stages, 2) a stronger consideration of socio-economic aspects, and 3) intensified research on artificial reproduction and rearing of eel.
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The paper examines the pattern of utilization of freshwater fish species in Nigeria. It was observed that although fishermen have a preference for fresh fish sales only 30% of fresh fish captured actually get to the consumers. The rest are preserved by smoke curing (60-65%), salting and sundrying (less than 5%), deep frying and fermentation (about 1%). Constraints to fish utilization were identified which include poor infrastructure, losses of fish and fish products as a result of traditional post harvest technology and socio economic factors. The need for the development of appropriate research to solve the problems of traditional post harvest technology was emphasised
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The effects of some socio-economic variables on the performance of artisanal fishermen were investigated. The variables include the age-structure of the fishermen, level of investment, educational background, membership of co-operative societies and marketing arrangements. All these variables were found to be crucial to productivity in the artisanal fishing sector
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An examination is made of the socio-economic factors associated with the failure of existing approaches to the fishing input requirements of small-scale fisheries in Nigeria. The fishermen and secretaries of the fishermen cooperative societies in three major settlements (Uta-Ewa, Okoroete and Iko) were selected for interviews. The survey showed that the idealogy of the fishermen of the role of cooperative society is wrong and specific programmes need to be directed towards correcting this perception. Thus, for any meaningful support programme for the artisanal small-scale fishermen, the perception of the fishermen about the cooperative organization must first be aligned rightly. It is suggested that the fishing input be determined by type and specification as a preliminary step in the delivery of inputs to the fishermen. Social, economic and cultural variabilities should be related to the requirement by the fishermen. The price level of fishermen will determine the direction and level of government support required
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Technology generation and dissemination are important components of rural transformation programmes. Nigerian fisheries sub-sector is still hampered by low productivity (especially in aquaculture) and low output (capture fisheries and post-harvest technologies). Research institutions and the Universities have made efforts in developing improved technologies to find solution to these problems, yet the level of adoption of the technologies remain low. This is due to a combination of various factors among which are faulty agricultural policies; institutional framework and unfavourable socio-economic environment. Niger State plays an important role in production in Nigeria and host the only research institute with the mandate in inland fisheries. It is important therefore to know the effectiveness of various extension approaches used in disseminating the technologies developed and their impact on adopters. Forty fishers were randomly selected in Shiroro L.G.A. of the Niger State and interviewed. The study probed into their socio-economic characteristics, traditional practices, extent of awareness and adoption for fisheries technologies and the effectiveness and impact of various approaches used by the extension organizations to disseminate the technologies. The results show that the economically active age group of the fishers was in the range of 20-50 years (87.5%). Males (95%) dominate the fisher population. 47.5% of the respondents have average household size of 6-10 and 57.5% were below primary school in educational attainment. Only 57.5% belonged to cooperative societies, while 90.0% of the fishers have no access to credit other than personal finance. Majority of fish-farmers (60%) operate at homestead level with pond size less than 50 square meter, stock under polyculture fishing methods are at subsistence level, while 67.5% of processors use mud-oven to cure, by smoking, freshly caught fish. Disseminated aquaculture technologies have low level of awareness (5-20%) and adoption (2.5-22.5%). For capture fisheries and post-harvest technologies awareness levels of 47.5-72.5% and adoption levels of 27.5-50.0% were recorded. Method demonstration (87.5%), result demonstration (75.0%) and field days (47.5%) are the major approaches used by the ADP. Respondents were of the opinion that method demonstration (65%), result demonstration (57.5%) and field day (30.0%) are effective. 62.5% of respondents had enhanced income due impact of extension activities
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For a long time, the Tanzanian Fisheries Department has managed Tanzanian fisheries without incorporating other stakeholders within its management framework. On lake Victoria, the persistent use of illegal fishing gear and declining catches have led the government to realize that this system of fisheries management may no longer be viable, and have sought to incorporate fishing communities into the management structure. Through the creation of beach management units (BMUs), the Fisheries Departments have sought to persuade fishing communities to implement and enforce Tanzania's fishing regulations and to monitor the fishery. In this paper we explore a recently gathered data set that yields information on, amongst others, how Tanzanian fishing communities perceive the state of their resource base, how they view their relationship with the Fisheries Department, the efficacy of fishing regulations and other variables. We draw on a series of criteria developed by Ostron (1990) for institutional 'robustness' to explore various areas of institutional development on Lake Victoria, and to try and anticipate how the BMUs will fare. We argue there are many socio-political and economic factors that will determine how communities will receive and perceive their responsibilities towards government-imposed administrative structures at the local level, these will become 'socialized' such that they will vary from place to place. While this may bode well for problems of heterogeneity, it does not necessarily mean that fisheries management objective on Lake Victoria will be met
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This paper sets out to explore how Uganda's lake Victoria fishery has been managed. It explores the management of the fishery during the protectorate period, and argues that the apparent success of regulation during this time may be attributed to the very heightened controls arising from Sleeping Sickness Controls. Once these were removed, entry into the fishery was rapid and uncontrolled, and the resultant impact on fish stocks was quickly felt. With its huge area, considerable shoreline, and innumerable islands, the lake Victoria fisheries service was quickly overwhelmed and disbanded as a result. In the early independence years, the Republic's government focused on developing the fishery, plans thwarted by turmoil of, and following, Idi Amin's reign. More recently, the fishery has prospered from Uganda's entry into the Nile perch fillet export market, which ahs adversely affected stocks. We present and comment on recently collected data that considers fishers' impressions of the status of the fishery, regulations and future managerial possibilities, and comment on these in the light of recent changes to Uganda's fisheries administration
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This paper provides an overview of fisheries legislation in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania as far it concerns the administration of Lake Victoria's fishery. It also provides brief comment on the structure of these nations' fisheries departments and how they have evolved in recent years. The administration of Kenya's Lake Victoria fishery has changed very little since the introduction of the 1988 Fisheries Act. In Tanzania and Uganda, however, government policies of decentralization have had a profound impact on fisheries administration at a local level. This paper examines these changes and speculates about possible future management scenarios for these two countries