The Electoral Rise of Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe: Ideological Parameters and Social Motivations

Populist radical right parties have become major political actors in Europe. This paper analyses the path and the different phases that have led them from the fringes of public debate to their present signifi cance, which is based on their capacity to attract electoral support and infl uence the political agendas in their respective countries. Besides, an analysis of the core ideological beliefs of these parties, and of the topics on which their mobilization capacity rests, is provided, as well as of the type of voters that are attracted by them. Finally, the authors discuss the meaning and impact of the growing popularity of the ideas and proposals put forward by the populist radical right parties.

Digitizing dissent: cyborg politics and fluid networks in contemporary Cuban activism

Communication technologies shape how political activist networks are produced and maintain themselves. In Cuba, despite ideologically and physically oppressive practices by the state, a severe lack of Internet access, and extensive government surveillance, a small network of bloggers and cyberactivists has achieved international visibility and recognition for its critiques of the Cuban government. This qualitative study examines the blogger collective known as Voces Cubanas in Havana, Cuba in 2012, advancing a new approach to the study of transnational activism and the role of technology in the construction of political narrative. Voces Cubanas is analyzed as a network of connections between human and non-human actors that produces and sustains powerful political alliances. Voces Cubanas and its allies work collectively to co-produce contentious political discourses, confronting the dominant ideologies and knowledges produced by the Cuban state. Transnational alliances, the act of translation, and a host of unexpected and improvised technologies play central roles in the production of these narratives, indicating new breed of cyborg sociopolitical action reliant upon fluid and flexible networks and the act of writing. 

Fashioning a city of culture: ‘life and place changing’ or ’12 month party���?

The current trend in public policy is to valorise culture as a tool for social, economic and political transformation. This paper offers a direct contribution to debates that seek to unpack and problematise cities of culture. We adopt a more circumspect approach towards some aspects of the anticipated transformative powers of culture, and in particular the tendency to fetishize the economics of culture. Our empiricism is grounded in a detailed study of Derry~Londonderry as the inaugural UK City of Culture in 2013. We question whether City of Culture was ‘life and place changing’ or a ’12 month party���, and reveal different interpretations of success. In our view there is more potential in viewing culture as a peace resource for overcoming divisions in a socially and culturally segregated city, rather than its ability to tackle entrenched economic problems. Moving beyond the specifics of the case study we also provide lessons for future cities of culture and more generalizable insights for the academic and policy literatures.

Party rules, party resources and the politics of parliamentary democracies How parties organize in the 21st century

This article introduces the first findings of the Political Party Database Project, a major survey of party organizations in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies. The project’s first round of data covers 122 parties in 19 countries. In this article, we describe the scope of the database, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties’ resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity regarding the core architecture of party organizations. At the same time, however, we find substantial variation between countries and party families in terms of their internal processes, with particular regard to how internally democratic they are, and the forms that this democratization takes.

The Democratic Dynamics of Government Consultations. Speaking Freely and Listening Properly

There is a growing use of consultation and e-consultation procedures by governments. This chapter seeks to examine the role of consultation as part of a new technology of government. Consultation on policy development can reinvigorate democratic engage- ment but often it can silence views through a sort of participatory disempowerment; it can loosen the democratic anchorage of the public service within the state. The chapter develops a governmentality perspective interrogating what participation, democratic engagement and free speech mean in this context, and how ideas of publicness are constructed, managed and controlled. The focus is on the nature of consultation, its relationship to ideas of free speech and speaking freely, and its potential to empower subaltern counterpublics which can formulate oppositional interpretations and urge alternative conclusions. The aim is to develop an idea of the democratic adequacy of the consultation process and draw out a sense of how democratic engagement here can be structured – for good or ill.

Democratic Citizenship - A Conditioned Apprenticeship : A Call for Destabilisation of Democracy in Education

We live in times when the search for a citizenship education that can transcend national, ethnical and cultural borders is an important part of educational policy. In times of increased pressure by the European Union on its nation states to provide for nation-transcending democracy, this question becomes crucial for national policymaking in Europe. In this text, Swedish education policy will be taken as a case in point in order to shed light on how this question is being handled in this particular national policy setting. It is argued that the policy’s citizen fostering agenda tends to be counterproductive in the sense that it is still situated in national notions of the relationship between democracy and education, which tend to exclude certain individuals and groups of people on an age-related and (ethno) cultural basis. It is further argued that these excluding features can be related to educational ideas about socialisation. The aim of this text is underlined by suggesting a different way of framing democracy and democratic citizenship education: to increase the potential of education as regards the renewal of democracy and democratic citizenship.

Os Deputados Assistentes Sociais na Assembleia Nacional e na Assembleia da República Portuguesa: principais intervenções parlamentares entre 1949 e 2011

A presente dissertação é relativa aos assistentes sociais que exerceram funções de deputados em Portugal Continental, na Assembleia Nacional e na Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Procedeu-se à sua caracterização e à análise dos seus principais discursos parlamentares. A pertinência da investigação é justificada pela inexistência de trabalhos acerca da temática escolhida e pela reduzida produção académica no que respeita à vasta dimensão política do Serviço Social em Portugal. A investigação alicerçou-se numa pesquisa bibliográfica sobre os temas em foco, e documental, na análise das fichas biográficas dos deputados identificados e das transcrições textuais das sessões da Assembleia Nacional e da Assembleia da República Portuguesa, onde constam os discursos destes deputados. Estas fontes primárias estão acessíveis no sítio oficial da Assembleia da República (www.parlamento.pt). Pretende-se com este estudo abordar o lugar atribuído à Assembleia Nacional e à Assembleia da República Portuguesa nos respetivos regimes de ditadura e democracia e identificar e caracterizar académica, profissional e politicamente os assistentes sociais que exerceram estas funções. Objetiva-se ainda a análise das principais intervenções destes deputados no contexto da Assembleia Nacional e da Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Apurou-se que o número de deputadas à Assembleia Nacional e à Assembleia da República Portuguesa não variou significativamente nos regimes políticos abordados. Foram identificadas cinco deputadas à Assembleia Nacional, da V à XI legislatura (de 1949 a 1974 – 25 anos), sendo que a primeira deputada identificada exerceu funções ao longo da V e VI legislaturas da Assembleia Nacional. Após a queda do regime ditatorial e depois de 21 anos em democracia, assistentes sociais voltaram a exercer funções de deputados. Entre 1995 e 2011 exerceram funções seis deputados à Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Um deles desenvolveu atividades ao longo da X e XI legislaturas. Os resultados da investigação mostram que a maioria destes deputados são mulheres, havendo apenas um homem. Relativamente à formação académica dos deputados constatou-se que antes de 1974 o estabelecimento que formou mais assistentes sociais deputadas foi o Instituto de Serviço Social de Lisboa (3), seguido do Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas Ultramarinas (1) e do Instituto Superior de Serviço Social Pio XII, em Luanda (1). Os deputados à Assembleia da República formaram-se no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social de Coimbra (2); no Instituto Superior Bissaya Barreto, Coimbra (1); no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social do Porto (1); no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social de Lisboa (1) e no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social Pio XII, Luanda (1). As deputadas que exerceram funções durante o Estado Novo pertenciam à União Nacional e Acção Nacional Popular, sendo que uma delas pertencia à Ala Liberal da ANP. Quanto aos deputados que exerceram funções no período democrático percebe-se que todos eram vinculados a partidos do bloco central e da direita: uma deputada do PSD, uma do CDS e quatro deputados do PS. No que respeita às intervenções parlamentares dos deputados identificados, observou-se que as deputadas à Assembleia Nacional apresentaram e fundamentaram propostas de medidas de política social apoiando-se na sua experiência profissional, principalmente em debates em que o tema foi a família ou a pobreza. Os deputados à Assembleia da República direcionaram os seus discursos para o apoio e/ou complemento das iniciativas propostas pelo governo, pois quatro destes deputados exerceram funções enquanto o partido a que pertenciam estava na liderança do governo. Face á vastidão da temática abordada, a presente dissertação constitui-se como um primeiro contributo para a produção de bibliografia no âmbito da dimensão política do Serviço Social, reconhecendo-se a necessidade de aprofundar mais o tema. / This thesis is on social workers who acted as deputies in Portugal, on the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. Characterization and analysis of its key parliamentary speeches was the chosen procedure. The relevance of the research is justified by the lack of previous work on the chosen theme and the reduced academic outputs with respect to the vast political dimension of social work in Portugal. Research has its foundations in a literature research on the topics in focus, and also documentary, by the analysis of the biographical records of Members discussed and the verbatim transcripts of the sessions of the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic, which contains the speeches of such Members. These primary sources include legislative sessions and are available on the Assembly of the Republic (www.parlamento.pt) official website. The study aims to address the place assigned to the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic, regarding the respective regimes of dictatorship and democracy and to identify and characterize academically, professionally and politically, the social workers who have exercised these functions. Furthermore on the objective is the analysis of the main interventions in the context of such Members of the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. It was found that the number of deputies to the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic did not significantly vary in both political regimes. Five deputies to the National Assembly were identified on the legislatures V to XI (1949-1974 - 25 years), with the first identified lady holding positions along the V and VI legislatures of the National Assembly. After the fall of the dictatorship and after 21 years of democracy, social workers returned to act as deputies. Between 1995 and 2011 held office six members of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. One developed activities along the X and XI legislatures of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. Research results show that the majority of these are women, and only one man. Regarding the academic training of the deputies, it was found that before 1974 the establishment that formed most of the social workers was, the Institute of Social Service of Lisbon (3), followed by the School of Social Science and Policy Overseas (1) and the Higher Institute of Social Service Pius XII in Luanda (1). Members of Parliament formed in the Institute of Social Service of Coimbra (2), the Higher Institute Bissaya Barreto, Coimbra (1), the Institute of Social Service of Porto (1), the Higher Institute of Social service of Lisbon (1) and the Institute of Social service Pius XII, Luanda(1). Deputies who held office during the New state belonged to the National Union and National People's Action parties, one of which belonged to the Liberal Wing of the ANP. As for the deputies who held office in the democratic period one realizes that all parties were bound to the central block and right wing: A Member of the PSD, one of CDS and four members of the PS. Regarding the parliamentary speeches of identified Members, it was noted that the National Assembly deputies presented and substantiated proposals for social policy measures relying on their professional experience, primarily on the debates in which the theme was family or poverty. Members of Parliament have directed their speeches to support and / or complement the initiatives proposed by the government, since four of these deputies exercise their functions while the party they belonged was in governmental leadership. Given the vastness of the topic addressed in this thesis, it constitutes itself as a first contribution to the production of literature within the political dimension of social work, recognizing the need to go deeper into the subject.

Intervenção Social - Arte ou Ciência?: O Assistente Social como agente de mudança numa autarquia de interior.

O presente trabalho baseia-se na pesquisa documental e na análise crítico-reflexiva sobre o serviço social no Poder Local, a sua evolução, influências e implicações no trabalho desenvolvido no (pelo) Gabinete de Ação Social do Município de Pampilhosa da Serra. O serviço social assume, durante o Estado Novo, um papel de controle, com uma prática associada essencialmente ao Estado e a algumas entidades da sociedade civil, nomeadamente à Igreja Católica. Com a Era Democrática, assiste-se ao crescimento da intervenção do Estado e à descentralização da sua atuação para as Autarquias, assumindo-se o SAAL (1974) como um marco histórico. A intervenção ganha, assim, um caráter “territorial” crescendo as responsabilidades das autarquias, quer no âmbito das transferências de competências por parte do Poder Central, quer ao nível da dinamização de serviços de âmbito municipal e da criação de respostas sociais específicas. O PRS (1997) e a RLIS (2013), apresentam-se como exemplos dessa territorialização, reforçando as atribuições das Autarquias ao nível da ação social. O primeiro, implementado a nível nacional, visa a articulação de recursos e uma intervenção integrada. Tem como princípios, a promoção a participação da população e dos agentes locais quer na elaboração de diagnósticos sociais, quer na criação de respostas adequadas às necessidades. A segunda, em fase de implementação, visa a criação de uma metodologia de trabalho ao nível do atendimento e acompanhamento social. Destaca-se o papel das Autarquias e da Sociedade Civil, na efetivação de uma intervenção social de proximidade. A crescente desresponsabilização do Estado na intervenção social, em particular do Poder Central, motivada pela Crise Económica, provoca alterações nas políticas sociais. Surgem as políticas de inserção direcionadas para públicos específicos, tendencialmente contratualizadas e centradas no sujeito. Estas alterações tiveram, também, implicações na atuação do Município de Pampilhosa da Serra, onde o serviço social se desenvolveu a par da implementação dos programas de âmbito comunitário, nomeadamente do PDIAS e PLCP (1996) e do projecto-piloto do RMG (1997). Sistematizou-se com a implementação das Redes Sociais e operacionaliza-se no Gabinete de Ação Social, atuando em três dimensões: mediação, promoção e execução. Da análise e reflexão em torno da atuação do GAS, no qual inscrevemos a nossa intervenção profissional, consideramos que esta se desenvolve numa relação sociopolítica e operacional, assumindo a Autarquia um papel ativo ao criar e/ou reforçar medidas de apoio socioeducativo e económico, de forma a garantir o bem-estar social e a qualidade de vida dos cidadãos Pampilhosenses. O município assume-se como o patamar de atuação de proximidade por excelência, onde o local se perspetiva como o espaço onde a intervenção social se operacionaliza, enquanto que o Poder Local, em conjunto com a sociedade Civil, assumem o poder de co construir a mudança social. / This work is based on documentary research and critical and reflective analysis of the social service in Local Government, its evolution, influences and implications on the work of the (at) Social Action Office of the municipality of Pampilhosa da Serra. The social service assumes, during the Estado Novo, a paper control, primarily associated with a practice the state and some civil society organizations, including the Catholic Church. With the Democratic Era, we are witnessing the growth of state intervention and the decentralization of its activities to the local authorities, assuming the SAAL (1974) as a historical landmark. Intervention win, so a character "territorial" growing responsibilities of local authorities, or within the transfer of responsibilities from the Central Power, both in terms of promotion of municipal services and the creation of specific social responses. The PRS (1997) and the RLIS (2013), are presented as examples of territorial, strengthening the powers of local authorities to the level of social action. The first, implemented nationally, aimed at articulating features and an integrated intervention. Its principles, promoting the participation of the population and local actors when developing social diagnosis, whether the creation of appropriate responses to the needs. The second, under implementation, aims to create a working methodology in terms of care and social support. It highlights the role of local authorities and civil society in the execution of a social intervention proximity. The growing irresponsibility of the state in social intervention, in particular the Central Power, motivated by the economic crisis, causes changes in social policies. Arise inclusion policies targeting specific audiences tend contracted and centered on the subject. These changes have also implications for the work of the municipality of Pampilhosa da Serra, where the social work developed together with the implementation of Community-wide programs, including the PDIAS and PLCP (1996) and the pilot project of RMG (1997). Systematized with the implementation of Social Networks and made operational in the Social Action Office, working in three dimensions: mediation, promotion and implementation. Analysis and reflection around the GAS operation, in which we inscribe our professional intervention, we believe that this is developed in a socio-political and operational relationship, assuming the Municipality an active role to create and / or strengthen measures of socio-educational and economic support, to ensure the welfare and quality of life of citizens Pampilhosenses. The municipality is assumed as the proximity actuation level par excellence where the location is perspective as the space where social intervention made operational, while the Local Government, together with civil society, assume the co power build social change.

Controle social do espaço público: uma análise do conselho turístico pólo costa das dunas

The managing Conselho of public politics constitute one of the main experiences of democracy in Brazil contemporary representing a conquest for construction of a democratic institutionalism. The historical newness consists of the intensification and the institutionalization of the dialogue between government and society - in public and plural canals - as condition for an allocation more efficient joust and of the public resources. In this context the present study it objectified to understand from readings of the performance of represented group of bencheses the dynamics of functioning of the Tourist Conselho Pólo Costa das Dunas while space of participation and social control. The bibliographical research contemplated diverse sources in order to compile knowledge of credential authors in the quarrel of inherent subjects to the civil society and the public sphere to the construction of the citizenship to the conception formation and dynamics of the social control through Conselho of public politics. A qualitative perspective the case study was adopted as research method and for attainment of the data interviews with the members of the Conselho had been carried through beyond consultation the referring documents the dynamics of functioning of the Conselho. The profiles capacities and limitations of the members of the Conselho had been identified constitution social and dynamic organization of functioning of the Conselho and the readings of the members of the Conselho concerning the power to decide instances and participation. The results had shown that the allotment of being able in the Conselho does not occur of equal form. The functions of coordination of the activities of the Conselho are assumed by the representatives of the public agencies. Level of qualification of council members also if presents as difficulty to development of activities of Conselho since the majority of the interviewed ones disclosed unreliability and unfamiliarity when thematic specific that runs away from its organizacional reality they are boarded in the assemblies. Of this form the Conselho if presents more as half of institutional legitimation of what half of characterization of the creation of a public sphere properly said. Finally he could himself be concluded that a democratic culture inexists that inside crosses practical the institutional ones of the Conselho thus limiting the possibility to reach the effective social control of the public politics of tourism in the Rio Grande do Norte

“Refugee Voices,” New Social Media and Politics of Representation: Young Congolese in the Diaspora and Beyond

This article examines the role of new social media in the articulation and representation of the refugee and diasporic “voice.” The article problematizes the individualist, de-politicized, de-contextualized, and aestheticized representation of refugee/diasporic voices. It argues that new social media enable refugees and diaspora members to exercise agency in managing the creation, production, and dissemination of their voices and to engage in hybrid (on- and offline) activism. These new territories for self-representation challenge our conventional understanding of refugee/diaspora voices. The article is based on research with young Congolese living in the diaspora, and it describes the Geno-cost project created by the Congolese Action Youth Platform (CAYP) and JJ Bola’s spoken-word piece, “Refuge.” The first shows agency in the creation of analytical and activist voices that promote counter-hegemonic narratives of violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, while the second is an example of aesthetic expressions performed online and offline that reveal agency through authorship and ownership of one’s voice. The examples highlight the role that new social media play in challenging mainstream politics of representation of refugee/diaspora voices.

Twitter e ciberativismo: o movimento social da hashtag #ForaMicarla em Natal-RN

The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace

Integrity and public sector governance : a democratic deficit?

Party Members’ Preferences and the Changing Nature of Party Representation: Does Representation Change when Parties become Mini-Republics?

Giovanni Sartori famously wrote that political parties do not need to be mini-republics, yet today parties in many parliamentary democracies are moving in this direction by giving their members direct votes over important decisions, including selecting party leaders and settling policy issues. This paper explores some of the implications of these changes. It asks whether the addition of membership rights affects the types of members who are attracted: do we find a bigger gap between the preferences of party members and of party voters in parties that are more plebiscitary, as literature on members' motivations might lead us to expect? The paper examines this question both cross-sectionally and longitudinally using opinion data from the European Social Survey and newly-available party organizational data from the Political Party Database project.

Discours sur la maison et dynamiques identitaires chez les Podokwo, Muktele et Mura (monts Mandara du Cameroun) Une approche à l’ethnicité et au statut social

Cette thèse examine les pratiques architecturales et les dynamiques identitaires chez les Podokwo, Muktele et Mura des monts Mandara (Cameroun). Elle s’organise autour de l’hypothèse-cadre selon laquelle la logique pratique et fonctionnelle de la construction, de l’extension et de la transformation d’une maison évolue en tandem avec des considérations d’ordre symbolique, notamment la production des sentiments ethniques (Hodder, 1982) et la quête du prestige social à l’intérieur de la communauté (Duncan, 1982 ; Roux, 1976). En partant de l’approche développée par des auteurs comme Ian Hodder (2012, 2006, 1999, 1982), Daniel Miller (2010, 2007, 2005, 2001, 1987), et Christophey Tilley (2010, 2006, 2004, 2002, 1999), je montre comment la maison, à travers ses multiples usages, devient porteuse de plusieurs appartenances identitaires à un niveau sociétal et individuel (Bromberger, 1980). Pour cela, j’ai porté mon attention, non seulement sur ce que les individus font avec la maison, mais aussi sur la manière dont celle-ci construit à son tour l’identité des individus (Miller, 2001 : 119). J’ai par ailleurs centrée mon analyse autour de quelques évènements clés survenus dans l’histoire des Podokwo, des Muktele et des Mura, en particulier la descente en plaine (1963), l’exode rural et le fonctionnariat (1980) et la transition démocratique (1990). Ces évènements influent sur les pratiques architecturales et sur les discours identitaires qui en sont les corolaires.

Revealing Cultural Ecosystem Services through Instagram Images : The Potential of Social Media Volunteered Geographic Information for Urban Green Infrastructure Planning and Governance

With the prevalence of smartphones, new ways of engaging citizens and stakeholders in urban planning and govern-ance are emerging. The technologies in smartphones allow citizens to act as sensors of their environment, producing and sharing rich spatial data useful for new types of collaborative governance set-ups. Data derived from Volunteered Geographic Information (VGI) can support accessible, transparent, democratic, inclusive, and locally-based governance situations of interest to planners, citizens, politicians, and scientists. However, there are still uncertainties about how to actually conduct this in practice. This study explores how social media VGI can be used to document spatial tendencies regarding citizens’ uses and perceptions of urban nature with relevance for urban green space governance. Via the hashtag #sharingcph, created by the City of Copenhagen in 2014, VGI data consisting of geo-referenced images were collected from Instagram, categorised according to their content and analysed according to their spatial distribution patterns. The results show specific spatial distributions of the images and main hotspots. Many possibilities and much potential of using VGI for generating, sharing, visualising and communicating knowledge about citizens’ spatial uses and preferences exist, but as a tool to support scientific and democratic interaction, VGI data is challenged by practical, technical and ethical concerns. More research is needed in order to better understand the usefulness and application of this rich data source to governance.