991 resultados para Political behaviour
Resumo:
Background: We examined one's own body image perception and its association with reported weight-related behavior among adolescents of a rapidly developing country in the African region. Methods: We conducted a school-based survey of 1432 students aged 11-17 years in the Seychelles. Weight and height were measured, and thinness, normal weight and overweight were assessed along standard criteria. A self-administered and anonymous questionnaire was administered. Perception of body image was assessed using both a closed-ended question (CEQ) and the Stunkard's pictorial silhouettes (SPS). Finally, a question assessed voluntary attempts to change weight. Results: Overall, 14.1% of the students were thin, 63.9% were normal-weight, and 22.0% were overweight or obese. There was fair agreement between actual weight status and self-perceived body image based on either CEQ or SPS. However, a substantial proportion of the overweight students did not consider themselves as overweight (SPS: 24%, CEQ: 34%) and, inversely, a substantial proportion of the normal-weight students considered themselves as too thin (SPS: 29%, CEQ: 15%). Among the overweight students, an adequate attempt to lose weight was reported more often by boys and girls who perceived themselves as overweight vs. not overweight (72-88% vs. 40-71%, p <0.05 for most comparisons). Among the normal-weight students, an inadequate attempt to gain weight was reported more often by boys and girls who perceived themselves as thin vs. not thin (27-68% vs. 11-19%, p <0.05). Girls had leaner own body ideals than boys. Conclusions: We found that substantial proportions of overweight students did not perceive themselves as overweight and/or did not want to lose weight and, inversely, that many normalweight students perceived themselves as too thin and/or wanted to gain weight: this points to forces that can drive the upwards overweight trends. Appropriate perception of one's weight was associated with adequate weight-control behavior, although not strongly, emphasizing that appropriate weight perception is only one of several factors driving adequate weight-related behavior. These findings emphasize the need to address appropriate perception of one's own weight and adequate weight-related behavior in adolescents for both individual and community weight-related interventions.
Resumo:
In this paper address we the question as to why participants tend to respond realistically to situations and events portrayed within an Immersive Virtual Reality (IVR) system. The idea is put forward, based on experience of a large number of experimental studies, that there are two orthogonal components that contribute to this realistic response. The first is"being there", often called"presence", the qualia of having a sensation of being in a real place. We call this Place Illusion (PI). Second, Plausibility Illusion (Psi) refers to the illusion that the scenario being depicted is actually occurring. In the case of both PI and Psi the participant knows for sure that that they are not"there" and that the events are not occurring. PI is constrained by the sensorimotor contingencies afforded by the virtual reality system. Psi is determined by the extent to which the system can produce events that directly relate to the participant, and the overall credibility of the scenario being depicted in comparison with expectations. We argue that when both PI and Psi occur, participants will respond realistically to the virtual reality.
Resumo:
Monimutkaisen tietokonejärjestelmän suorituskykyoptimointi edellyttää järjestelmän ajonaikaisen käyttäytymisen ymmärtämistä. Ohjelmiston koon ja monimutkaisuuden kasvun myötä suorituskykyoptimointi tulee yhä tärkeämmäksi osaksi tuotekehitysprosessia. Tehokkaampien prosessorien käytön myötä myös energiankulutus ja lämmöntuotto ovat nousseet yhä suuremmiksi ongelmiksi, erityisesti pienissä, kannettavissa laitteissa. Lämpö- ja energiaongelmien rajoittamiseksi on kehitetty suorituskyvyn skaalausmenetelmiä, jotka edelleen lisäävät järjestelmän kompleksisuutta ja suorituskykyoptimoinnin tarvetta. Tässä työssä kehitettiin visualisointi- ja analysointityökalu ajonaikaisen käyttäytymisen ymmärtämisen helpottamiseksi. Lisäksi kehitettiin suorituskyvyn mitta, joka mahdollistaa erilaisten skaalausmenetelmien vertailun ja arvioimisen suoritusympäristöstä riippumatta, perustuen joko suoritustallenteen tai teoreettiseen analyysiin. Työkalu esittää ajonaikaisesti kerätyn tallenteen helposti ymmärrettävällä tavalla. Se näyttää mm. prosessit, prosessorikuorman, skaalausmenetelmien toiminnan sekä energiankulutuksen kolmiulotteista grafiikkaa käyttäen. Työkalu tuottaa myös käyttäjän valitsemasta osasta suorituskuvaa numeerista tietoa, joka sisältää useita oleellisia suorituskykyarvoja ja tilastotietoa. Työkalun sovellettavuutta tarkasteltiin todellisesta laitteesta saatua suoritustallennetta sekä suorituskyvyn skaalauksen simulointia analysoimalla. Skaalausmekanismin parametrien vaikutus simuloidun laitteen suorituskykyyn analysoitiin.
Resumo:
This paper studies fiscal federalism when regions differ in voters' ability to monitor publicofficials. We develop a model of political agency in which rent-seeking politicians providepublic goods to win support from heterogeneously informed voters. In equilibrium, voterinformation increases government accountability but displays decreasing returns. Therefore,political centralization reduces aggregate rent extraction when voter information varies acrossregions. It increases welfare as long as the central government is required to provide publicgoods uniformly across regions. The need for uniformity implies an endogenous trade off between reducing rents through centralization and matching idiosyncratic preferences throughdecentralization. We find that a federal structure with overlapping levels of government canbe optimal only if regional differences in accountability are sufficiently large. The modelpredicts that less informed regions should reap greater benefits when the central governmentsets a uniform policy. Consistent with our theory, we present empirical evidence that lessinformed states enjoyed faster declines in pollution after the 1970 Clean Air Act centralizedenvironmental policy at the federal level.
Resumo:
Since independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) became key actors in European regulatory governance in the 1990s, a significant share of policy-making has been carried out by organizations that are neither democratically elected nor directly accountable to elected politicians. In this context, public communication plays an important role. On the one hand, regulatory agencies might try to use communication to raise their accountability and thereby to mitigate their democratic deficit. On the other hand, communication may be used with the intent to steer the behavior of the regulated industry when more coercive regulatory means are unfeasible or undesirable. However, empirical research focusing directly on how regulators communicate is virtually non-existent. To fill this gap, this paper examines the public communication of IRAs in four countries (the United Kingdom, Germany, Ireland, and Switzerland) and three sectors (financial services, telecommunications, and broadcasting). The empirical analysis, based on qualitative interviews and a quantitative content analysis, indicates that the organization of the communication function follows a national pattern approach while a policy sector approach is helpful for understanding the use of communication as a soft tool of regulation.
Resumo:
While equal political representation of all citizens is a fundamental democratic goal, it is hampered empirically in a multitude of ways. This study examines how the societal level of economic inequality affects the representation of relatively poor citizens by parties and governments. Using CSES survey data for citizens' policy preferences and expert placements of political parties, empirical evidence is found that in economically more unequal societies, the party system represents the preferences of relatively poor citizens worse than in more equal societies. This moderating effect of economic equality is also found for policy congruence between citizens and governments, albeit slightly less clear-cut.