Reforming civil engineering studies in recession times

The recent global economic and financial crisis has led the economies of many countries into recession, in particular at the periphery of the European Union. These countries currently face a significant contraction of both public investment in infrastructure and private investment in buildings and, as a result, the unemployment is particularly noticeable in the civil engineering and building sectors. Consequently, in all countries in recession the professional development of fresh civil engineering graduates is disproportionate to their high study effort and qualifications, since they rarely have the opportunity to gain experience in practice and their knowledge gradually becomes obsolete. Under these circumstances, it is imperative for the technical universities in countries in recession to plan and implement a substantial reform of the civil engineering studies syllabus. The objective should be to enable graduates to broaden the scope of their professional activity and increase their employability. In this paper, the widening of civil engineering studies curricula is proposed, in particular in the light of the development of the graduates’ potential on project, programme and portfolio management. In this direction, after a thorough literature review, including ASCE's Body of Knowledge for the 21st century and IPMA's Competence Baseline, it is recommended among others: to increase significantly the offered modules on project management and add new modules on strategy management, leadership behavior, delivery management, organization and environment etc; to provide adequate professional training during the university studies five year period; and to promote fresh graduates’ certification by professional bodies. The proposals are exemplified by presenting a reformed syllabus for the civil engineering studies offered currently by the National Technical University of Athens.

'Rosie Hackett, the Irish Citizen Army and the Military Service Pensions Collection'

This chapter uses the newly released Military Service Pensions files to examine the contribution of Rosana 'Rosie' Hackett and the members of the Irish Citizen Army to the Irish revolution. It also includes and assessment of the collection as a source for studying the revolution and assesses how it helps reassess the role of the ICA in the revolution. It was produced to mark the naming of a Liffey bridge in Dublin after Rosie Hackett

Old Town Glasgow: Squalor, Agitation and City Improvements

In 1862, Glasgow Corporation initiated the first of a series of three legislative acts which would become known collectively as the City Improvements Acts. Despite having some influence on the nature of the built fabric on the expanding city as a whole, the most extensive consequences of these acts was reserved for one specific area of the city, the remnants of the medieval Old Town. As the city had expanded towards all points of the compass in a regular, grid-iron structure throughout the nineteenth century, the Old Town remained singularly as a densely wrought fabric of medieval wynds, vennels, oblique passageways and accelerated tenementalisation. Here, as the rest of the city began to assume the form of an ordered entity, visible and classifiable, one could still find and addresses such as ‘Bridgegate, No. 29, backland, stair first left, three up, right lobby, door facing’ (quoted in Pacione, 1995).

Unsurprisingly, this place, where proximity to the midden (dung-heap) was considered an enviable position, was seen by the authorities as a major health hazard and a source not only of cholera, but also of the more alarming typhoid epidemic of 1842. Accordingly, the demolitions which occurred in the backlands of the Old Town under the first of the acts, the Glasgow Police Act of 1862, were justified on health and medical grounds. But disease was not the only social problem thought to issue from this district. Reports from social reformers including Fredrick Engels suggested that the decay of the area’s physical fabric could be extended to the moral profile of its inhabitants. This was in such a state of degeneracy that there were calls for a nearby military barracks to be relocated to more salubrious climes because troops were routinely coming into contact ‘with the most dissolute and profligate portion of the population’ (Peter Clonston, Lord Provost, June 1861). Perhaps more worrying for the city fathers, however, was that the barracks’ arsenal was seen as a potential source of arms for the militant and often illegal cotton workers’ unions and organisations who inhabited the Old Town as well as the districts to the east. In fact, the Old Town and East End had been the site of numerous working class actions and riots since 1787, including a strike of 60,000 workers in 1820, 100,000 in 1838, and the so-called Bread Riots of 1848 where shouts of ‘Vive La Revolution’ were reported in the Gallowgate.

The events in Paris in 1848 precipitated Baron Hausmann’s interventions into that city. The boulevards were in turn visited by members of Glasgow Corporation and ultimately, it can be argued, provided an example for Old Town Glasgow. This paper suggests that the city improvement acts carried a similarly complex and pervasive agenda, one which embodied not only health, class conflict and sexual morality but also the more local condition of sectarianism. And, like in Paris, these were played out spatially in a extensive reconfiguration of the urban fabric of the Old Town which, through the creation of new streets and a railway yard, not only made it more amenable to large scale military manoeuvres but also, opened up the area to capitalist accumulation. By the end of the works, the medieval heritage of the Old Town had been almost completely razed, the working class and Catholic East End had, through the insertion of the railway yard, been isolated from the city centre and approximately 70,000 people had been made homeless.

'"To have its cake and eat it too:" US policy toward South Africa during the Kennedy administration

The assumption that US policy toward Africa was characterized by continuity during the cold war has recently been challenged by scholars who argue that President John F. Kennedy embarked on an African policy that was distinct from his predecessors. This may be true for black Africa, but Kennedy’s support for African nationalism did not extend to South Africa. This article reveals that Kennedy’s cold war priorities ensured continuity in US policy toward the apartheid state and, in some cases, additional cooperation as cold war crises increased the perceived importance of South Africa as an ideological and strategic ally and bastion against communism on a rapidly changing continent. This article also explores the role South Africa’s apartheid government played in this cold war alliance. The ruling National Party recognized its importance to US foreign policy goals and used this to stave off serious American criticism of its racial policies, deflect attention in the United Nations, and ensure continued economic and military cooperation with the United States.

Selection of the most appropriate roadside vehicle restraint system – the SAVeRS project

Run Off Road (ROR) crashes are road accidents that often result in severe injuries or fatalities. To reduce the severity of ROR crashes, “forgiving roadsides” need to be designed and this includes identifying situations where there is a need for a Vehicle Restraint System (VRS) and what appropriate VRS should be selected for a specific location and traffic condition. Whilst there are standards covering testing, evaluation and classification of VRS within Europe (EN1317 parts 1 to 8), their selection, location and installation requirements are typically based upon national guidelines and standards, often produced by National Road Authorities (NRA) and/or overseeing organisations. Due to local conditions, these national guidelines vary across Europe.
The European SAVeRS project funded by CEDR has developed a practical and readily understandable VRS guidance document and a user-friendly software tool which allow designers and road administrations to select the most appropriate solution in different road and traffic conditions.
This paper describes the main outcomes of the project, the process to select the most appropriate roadside barrier, and the user friendly SAVeRS tool.

Tanzanian scepticism of a militarised East African Federation and underlying military concerns

Attitudes towards a regional military force are of paramount importance when exploring public support for regional integration. Until now, however, scholarly research has not considered the influence of attitudes towards a regional military mechanism in the sub-Saharan African context. Using Afrobarometer data, we demonstrate that military concerns are vital when exploring Tanzanian attitudes towards the proposed political federation of the East African Community (EAC), the East African Federation (EAF). More specifically, opposition to military cooperation strongly influences Tanzanian scepticism of the EAF. This finding is highly relevant given that referendums in the participating member states must be passed to facilitate political integration. Heightened opposition towards military cooperation raises the possibility of the public rejecting a politically integrated EAC. This poses a potential obstacle to the implementation of joint security policies and crucial mechanisms to provide a more stable region at large. We account for alternative explanations of Tanzanian opinion formation and reflect on the strength of military-orientated concerns for investigating public support for the East African project specifically and regional integration in sub-Saharan Africa more widely.

Ensino superior como princípio hegemónico de cidadania na sociedade civil: um diálogo com António Gramsci no sul da Amazónia brasileira

A tese tem como foco quatro eixos centrais: o ensino superior, a sociedade civil, a cidadania e a hegemonia. Na primeira parte da tese, estes eixos teórico-conceptuais são explanados numa perspectiva da promoção de uma compreensão mais ampla da sociedade civil e do estado, nomeadamente o contratualismo, o liberalismo, o materialismo e o neoliberalismo. Um protagonismo fundamental é atribuído às concepções de Antonio Gramsci de sociedade civil, cidadania e estado aplicadas no ensino superior no Sul da Amazónia brasileira. A segunda parte da tese concentra-se num estudo de caso com três premissas de análise: a fragmentação do ensino superior brasileiro; a reconfiguração da cidadania e hegemonia; e o ensino superior no contexto do Amazonas. O ensino superior no Brasil teve início com as escolas jesuíticas, que, depois de encerradas pelo Marquês de Pombal não tiveram sucessoras em solo brasileiro, ao nível do que poderia ter sido o embrião de um sistema de ensino superior. A chegada da Corte Imperial Portuguesa, em 1808, permite reinstalar novos cursos. A primeira unidade de ensino superior no Amazonas surge apenas no princípio do século XX. Um século depois, tem início o processo de expansão com a implantação de unidades no interior do estado. O ensino superior no Brasil, nas últimas décadas, assumiu um caráter híbrido e de massificação. A massificação, no entanto, ainda é uma realidade a ser alcançada. Apesar dos avanços realizados na última década, ainda subsiste ainda uma forte exclusão de estudantes. O enfoque sobre o ensino superior e a cidadania, no contexto do Amazonas, surge na articulação de um conjunto de informação empírica, extraída de entrevistas realizadas com atores chave locais, com as categorias de pensamento de Antonio Gramsci, que sustentam teoricamente o estudo. Esta articulação tem no ensino superior a possibilidade de desenvolver a cidadania como o princípio organizador e fim último deste nível de ensino. Neste sentido, a hegemonia ganha um estatuto de orientação e direção que permite aos sujeitos envolvidos no ensino superior maior possibilidade de autonomia, liberdade, justiça social, empregabilidade e desenvolvimento social. O modelo de universidade para a cidadania apresenta-se como uma possibilidade de mudanças no horizonte social, económico e também político, no interior da própria universidade. O ensino superior, perspectivado como um instrumento essencial para a cidadania, tem como objetivo primordial a qualificação de professores para a educação de base, Reflexivamente, esta qualificação não deixará potencialmente de produzir retornos positivos na própria expansão e abrangência numérica e educativa do próprio ensino superior. Desta forma, a cidadania no ensino superior é perspectivada neste estudo como um deslocamento de lógicas de compreensão individual e de individualização elitista dos benefícios para lógicas assentes em construções mais coletivas, portadoras de benefícios sociais. A interiorização do ensino superior no Amazonas é assumida no estudo como uma possibilidade de formação académica para o desenvolvimento de práticas pedagógicas e científicas críticas e mais conscientes, constituindo um horizonte determinante para a ativação de processos de integração regional e nacional. Em suma, os pontos de confluência entre o ensino superior, a sociedade civil, a cidadania e as propostas de Gramsci, estão relacionados com a formação, a conscientização política, e o bem-estar económico e social.

e-Participação : estudo sobre a participação em ambiente Web 2.0

Como reflexo da crescente disponibilização de recursos tecnológicos em ambiente Web 2.0 tem-se assistido, de forma gradual, a um contraponto de ordem social à inércia do poder político em sede da participação, traduzido numa intervenção mais ativa dos cidadãos, individualmente ou sob a forma de grupos de interesses, com recurso a processos de interação nos media participativos, nomeadamente nas redes sociais. Embora seja possível reconhecer alguma evolução no sentido da transparência na ação dos Governos, através de canais habitualmente mais vocacionados para procedimentos comunicacionais de natureza unidirecional, este estudo decorreu no sentido da caraterização das práticas participativas dos cidadãos, em ambiente digital, e das políticas e canais disponibilizados pelas administrações públicas, nomeadamente no âmbito da EU, em função dos compromissos assumidos por parte dos seus Estados-Membros para a criação e implementação de mecanismos de interação, no sentido de uma democracia digital, que enquanto conceção, enquadraria a participação dos cidadãos. Com este estudo pretendeu-se identificar necessidades e expectativas dos cidadãos, no contexto da cidadania participativa ou da democracia digital, sendo referenciados contextos enquadradores, correspondentes aos níveis da intervenção no exercício da cidadania em ambiente Web e ao estado da arte da componente que nessa matéria caberia aos Estados, nomeadamente no contexto da União Europeia e em particular, em Portugal. Para a concretização deste trabalho recorreu-se a bibliografia diversa, a exemplos práticos e à expressão da opinião de entidades singulares de reconhecido mérito e de representantes de Organizações da sociedade civil, sob a forma de entrevistas, parecendo pode retirar-se que as TIC não terão de assumir como objetivo procurar implantar uma democracia direta, em detrimento do contexto representativo, antes vir o seu potencial tecnológico a assumir um papel relevante no âmbito da complementaridade de interesses entre os poderes e os cidadãos.

The strange death of UK civil defence education in the 1980s

In the cold war, the United Kingdom government devised a number of public education campaigns to inform citizens about the precautions that they should undertake in the event of a nuclear attack. One such campaign, Protect and Survive, was released to the general public and media in May 1980. The negative publicity this publication received is considered to be a reason why a successor publication was never released despite the increased risk of nuclear attack. Using recently released records from the UK National Archives the paper considers that, aside from this explanation, interlocking institutional objectives, rather than simply inertia, provides an explanation for this hiatus.

Civil defence pedagogies and narratives of democracy: disaster education in Germany

‘Disaster education’ is a fledgling area of study in lifelong education. Many countries educate their populations for disasters, to mitigate potential damage and loss of life, as well as contribute to national security. In this paper, which draws on interview data from the German Federal Office for Civil Defence and Disaster Assistance and the Federal Agency for Technical Relief, archival research, analysis of websites and promotional materials as well as relevant academic literature, I examine disaster education and preparedness for national emergencies in Germany. I argue that it is not generally extended to the general public, rather confined to trained experts, decentralised, localised and exclusive. Theorising disaster education as a ‘civil defence pedagogy’ (Preston, 2008), a type of public pedagogy, which contributes to shaping narratives of national identity, I argue that it is unlikely that Germany will develop a more inclusive, universal, formalised, nor high-profile campaign in disaster education in the foreseeable future. This, I suggest, is due to narratives of the German democratic nation state as secure, federal, peaceful and unified, which originated at the founding of West Germany in 1949, and continue to shape contemporary political narratives.

O novo perfil do engenheiro civil: o profissional de síntese

O Homem tem modificado consideravelmente o meio natural e transformado profundamente as paisagens primitivas. As vias de comunicação e os aglomerados populacionais constituem referências evidentes da sua presença e denotam o percurso do homem no tempo. Neste processo de mudança contínua o papel dos engenheiros foi fundamental pois a sua prática remonta às civilizações anteriores à era Cristã da qual temos o testemunho de Arquimedes (287-212 a.C.) que foi um grande cientista e engenheiro da Antiguidade. O termo engenharia em termos semânticos tem a sua origem da palavra latina ingeniatorum significando “engenhoso na arte de projectar” (Duffell, 1990). De facto a engenharia tem sido definida como uma arte que permite que os principais recursos da natureza sejam transformados, adaptados e aplicados para o uso ou conveniência do homem (The New Caxton Encyclopedia, 1986).

Diagnóstico de práticas e percepções ambientais no sector da construção civil no Algarve

Dissertação mest., Engenharia do Ambiente, Universidade do Algarve, 2009

Reinventing America on the battlefields of Spain or following the party line: conflicting perceptions of the Spanish Civil War in the present and in the past

Isolationism and neutrality are two of the recurrent themes in the study of the history of the U.S. foreign policy in the interwar years. The trauma of the Great War, which had swept away 130.000 U.S. lives and had cost $30 billion, had led public opinion to strongly oppose any involvement with European affairs. Besides, the urgent need for economic recovery during the dismal years of the Great Depression did not leave Roosevelt much room for manoeuvre to influence international events. His positions regarding the intentions of the Fascist states remained, at best, ambivalent. These facts notwithstanding, about 2800 U.S. citizens crossed the Atlantic and rushed in to help democratic Spain, which was on the verge of becoming one more hostage in the hands of the Fascism. They joined the other British, Irish and Canadian volunteers and formed the XV International Brigade. 900 Americans never returned home. This alone should challenge the commonly held assumption that the American people were indifferent to the rise of the Fascist threat in Europe. But it also begs other questions. Considering the prevailing isolationist mood, what really motivated them? With what discursive elements did these men construct their anti Fascist representations? How far did their understanding of the Spanish democracy correspond to their own American democratic ideal? In what way did their war experience across the Atlantic mould their perception of U.S. politics (both domestic and foreign)? How far did the Spanish Civil War constitute one first step towards the realization that the U.S. might actually be drawn into another international conflict of unpredictable consequences? Last but not the least, what ideological, political and cultural complicity existed between the men from the English-speaking battalions? In order to unearth some of the answers, I intend to examine their letters and see how these men recorded the historical events in which they took part. Their correspondence emerged from the desire to prove their commitment to a common cause and spoke of a common war experience, but each letter, in its uniqueness, ends up mirroring not only the social and political background of each individual fighter, but also his own particular perspective of the war, of world politics and of the Spanish people. We shall see how these letters differ and converge and how these particular accounts weave, as in an epistolary novel, a larger-than-life narrative of outrage and solidarity, despair and hope.