974 resultados para Methodist Church (Canada). Missionary Society.


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Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a mulher congregacional, sua formação pastoral no período de 1965-1975, considerado de grande desenvolvimento da Igreja. Fez-se analise dos contextos social, político, econômico e religioso para ter idéia do contexto geral do espaço em que a Igreja Evangélica Congregacional em Angola foi implantada. Falou-se da viagem dos primeiros missionários norte-americanos para o interior do país, assim como do episódio acontecido durante a implantação da Igreja no Bailundo, sede do reino na época, liderado pelo rei Ekuikui II nos primeiros anos de vida da Igreja. O desenvolvimento da igreja mereceu um olhar especial, assim como os modelos pastorais, a cooperação dos nativos na expansão do evangelho, as instituições da Igreja e sua mudança de nome. Destacaram-se as relações de gênero, a formação na cultura, o processo da formação pastoral das mulheres e os principais cursos ministrados nos centros, nas estações missionárias e no Dôndi. Os cursos eram: economia doméstica, alfabetização, educação cristã, formação feminina, formação das parteiras. A contribuição das mulheres para o desenvo lvimento da Igreja e da sociedade era diversificada, o que acontece até hoje, entretanto, destacam-se as contribuições das mulheres leigas, diaconisas, esposas dos pastores e o programa do Fogo Cristão implementado por elas. Apontei as dificuldades que as mulheres encontraram no processo da formação. Analisei a situação geral e a necessidade da formação pastoral das mulheres nos dias de hoje no Huambo e em toda Angola. O trabalho faz propostas de formação pastoral das mulheres que podem servir de ponte entre a nova e a velha geração.

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A presente pesquisa Neotribalismo e Novos Movimentos Religiosos:Estudo de Caso das Práxis da Igreja Bola de Neve Church é uma investigação in loco que se propõe analisar, descrever e interpretar o contexto de uma práxis religiosa emergente, com uma abordagem teórico-científica deste movimento religioso. A partir da década de 80 do século XX houve uma nova configuração social permitindo criar grupos de identificação própria, principalmente no contexto urbano. Um destes grupos que vieram a surgir foram as chamadas tribos urbanas. Esta nova configuração neo-tribalista permitiu o desenvolvimento de expressões de religiosidade própria, chamado de Novos Movimentos Religiosos, dentre os quais, destaca-se a Igreja Bola de Neve Church. O tema desta pesquisa científica tem despertado grande interesse pelos cientistas sociais e da religião, apresentando-se, também, como um novo desafio aos pastoralistas por analisar os efeitos que este fenômeno religioso implica na sociedade contemporânea. Por isso, além de compreender os fundamentos teórico-científicos da construção do modelo social neotribalista e dos Novos Movimentos Religiosos, a pesquisa propõe-se a investigar o surgimento, descrevê-lo e interpretar suas práticas religiosas sob a chave hermenêutica da teoria da práxis religiosa, a fim de compreender como a Igreja Bola de Neve Church é interpretada pelas religiões de tradição cristã.(AU)

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A presente investigação se concentra na eclesiologia prática, experimental e funcional de John Wesley, examinando não apenas o que se encontra explícito em seus escritos sobre a igreja, mas também o que está implícito na práxis social e missionária dos primeiros metodistas. Antes, porém, é traçado um panorama das discussões em torno da concepção wesleyana de igreja, desenvolvidas, sobretudo, nos últimos cinqüenta anos. O valor dessas pesquisas é reconhecido, pois elas ajudaram a criar certa convergência em torno dos principais temas da visão de Wesley. Entretanto, em boa parte delas, nota-se esforço em enquadrar a fragmentada reflexão wesleyana em algum esquema de interpretação previamente definido. De conservador e defensor da Igreja estabelecida a cismático radical, quase todas as qualificações lhe foram atribuídas. É certo que Wesley assimilou a contribuição de várias correntes, o que oferece justa dimensão da complexidade de sua teologia, resistente a explicações simplistas. Nem sempre, porém, se indaga sobre o que determinou as suas preferências. Aqui é sustentada a tese de que não foi o apego a princípios considerados ortodoxos, mas o encontro com o povo que levou Wesley à abertura crescente para uma compreensão da igreja, ao mesmo, sensível ao sofrimento dos excluídos da sociedade inglesa, e flexível para se ajustar a conjunturas em mutação constante. Ele rompeu com a eclesiologia hierárquica, em que foi formado, e pôs em prática uma concepção fundamentalmente laica de igreja. Quebrou o monopólio do clero e tornou realidade o sacerdócio de todos os crentes, tanto de homens quanto de mulheres. Rejeitou o individualismo e valorizou a vida comunitária responsável. Desfez a interpretação paroquialista e exclusivista de igreja e abraçou a ecumenicidade como caráter essencial da Igreja de Cristo. Enfim, centralizou-se na via salutis, na renovação de toda a criação, pela graça de Deus com a participação humana responsável, e relativizou a própria Igreja.

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John Wesley lançou mão da mídia em todos os aspectos da articulação do movimento metodista na Inglaterra do século XVIII, em prol da missão de reformar a nação e a Igreja. Entretanto, no Brasil do terceiro milênio, a comunicação evangélica não faz jus ao ideal do cristianismo, limitando-se à cultura gospel da sociedade do espetáculo . Por meio da pesquisa teológica e histórica da comunicação cristã a partir do advento da imprensa e da herança wesleyana sob o ponto de vista da comunicação, até o diálogo com autores relevantes na transição para o século XXI segundo a nova ordem tecnológica que introduz na aldeia global uma realidade virtual, o objetivo é identificar práticas inegociáveis para uma mídia religiosa que encarne a vocação pública do metodismo hoje.

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At first glance, the nationalist ideology of the French Revolution seems to have had little impact on the Orthodox Church in Romanian-speaking territories. Romanians were the predominant inhabitants of the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia and the neighboring territories of Transylvania (including Crişana, Maramureş and Banat), Bukovina, Bessarabia, and Dobrudja. The majority of ethnic Romanians belonged to the Orthodox faith while their communities were at the intersection of geopo liti cal interests of the Rus sian, Ottoman, and Habsburg empires. In 1859 the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (known as the Old Kingdom between 1866 and 1918) united into a single state under the rule of a local prince. The term "Romania" began to be used by the new state in its of cial documents in 1862. Two years later, the state supported the declaration of a Romanian autocephalous (in de pen dent) church that was recognized by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 1885. As an integrative part of the Orthodox commonwealth, the church was situated between the competing jurisdictions of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Rus sian Orthodox Church, while its declaration of autocephaly followed a pattern in the spread of national churches in Southeastern Europe. From the Treaty of Kuchuk Kainardji of 1774 to the beginning of the Greek War for In de pen dence in 1821, the Romanian principalities were under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire, which had full control of their po liti cal and economic affairs. The sultan appointed princes, and the Porte determined their po liti cal and judicial status. The princes were drawn from the "Phanariots," and were directly appointed by the Porte from preponderantly Greek elite rather than the Romanian local elite, the boyars (boieri).1 In each principality, the church was headed by a metropolitan who was under the direct jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. That religion mattered to local population as a means of social cohesion was suggestively depicted by Anatole de Demidoff, an En glish traveler in the region in 1837. Arriving in Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia, he claimed that: I know of no city in Europe in which it is possible to find more agreeable society, or in which there is a better tone, united with the most charming gaiety⋯. Religion, which is here of the schismatic Greek creed, does not, properly speaking, hold any great empire over the minds of the Wallachian people, but they observe its outward forms, and particularly the austerities of fasting, with scrupulous exactitude. The people are seen to attend divine ser vice with every sign of respect, and the great number of churches existing in Wallachia, bear witness to the ardent zeal with which outward worship is honored.2 The Romanian Orthodox Church was a national institution, closely linked to social, economic, and po liti cal structures. In most cases, Orthodox hierarchs were appointed from the families of boyars, thus ensuring a close relationship with the state authorities and its policies. As one of the largest landowners in the principalities, the church had a prime role in administrating healthcare and education. Although the majority of the clergy was uneducated, it dispensed both ecclesiastical and civil justice and in many cases worked closely with boyars in local administration.3 The lower clergy not only contributed directly to the economy but also benefited from tax privileges. Some small villages had an unusually high proportion of clergy in comparison to the overall population. For example, in 1810, Stənisləveşti, a village in the south of Wallachia, was composed of eleven houses and had two priests, five deacons, and three cantors; similarly, the Frəsinet village of nineteen houses had two priests and five deacons.4 Although these cases were exceptional, they indicate both the economic value of being a member of the clergy and the wider canonical dimension of church jurisdiction. The special status of the clergy was reflected not only at lower but also at higher levels. Bishops and metropolitans engaged with state policy and in many cases opposition to the authorities led to the loss of a spiritual seat. The metropolitan of each principality worked with the prince and was president of the divan, the gathering of all boyars. He held the right to be the first person to comment on state policy and to make recommendations when the prince was absent. The metropolitan replaced the prince when the principality had no political ruler, such as in the cases of Metropolitan Veniamin Costachi of Moldavia in 1806 and Metropolitan Dositei Filitti of Wallachia, while the bishops of Buzəu and Argeş were members of the provisional government during the Rus sian occupation of the principalities in 1808. The higher clergy had both religious and political prerogatives in relation to foreign powers as evident in their heading of the boyars' delegation to peace negotiation between the Rus sian and Ottoman empires at Focşani in 1772 and addressing memoranda to the Austrian and Rus sian governments in 1802.5 The primary role of the church in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia was paralleled by the national mobilization of Orthodox communities in the neighboring territories that had Romanian inhabitants. Although throughout the region Orthodox communities were incorporated into church structures as part of the Habsburg, Austrian or Rus sian empires, the nineteenth century was characterized by the leadership's search for political autonomy and the building of a Romanian national identity. The Orthodox communities outside the Old Kingdom maintained relations with the faithful in principalities across the Carpathian Mountains and the Dniester River and sought support in their struggle for political and religious rights.

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This thesis attempted to explain society's worldview of Santeria and its practice of animal sacrifice, and the breakdown between the federal and local government after a 1993 Supreme Court ruling affirming their right to engage in this sacred ritual. Santeria practitioners are harassed and prosecuted for exercising their right to practice animal sacrifice. The research was intended to present the cosmology of the Lukumi tradition, the intellectual framework explored, a review of Freedom of Religion and the case of Lukumi v. Hialeah, and finally the media's role in shaping the worldview of Santeria that have perpetuated this breakdown. The thesis consisted of 87 research items, a community survey, interviews, a Santeria divination, and review of case law, books,newspaper and online journals. These findings demonstrated that freedom of religion is not so free in the U.S., and exists only to the extent the media and municipal laws choose to allow.

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The case of Marcel Lefebvre and the SSPX deserves fresh perspectives. The current historiography is too franco-centric, obsessed with relatively minor matters, rather than with more substantial ones. This article proposes a new analysis of the SSPX’s political discourses in France and internationally over the last fifteen years and undertakes to reframe the relationship between Lefebvre’s life and his congregation by re-examining his African missionary experiences. Such new perspectives will be helpful as the SSPX moves towards regularisation under the pontificate of Pope Francis.

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Despite the involvement of radical socialists like James Connolly and the Irish Citizen Army in the 1916 Rising and the unanimous passing of the Democratic Programme (a socialist manifesto for the new Government) by the First Dáil in 1919, the Irish state has since its inception exhibited a highly conservative approach to social and economic policy, and politics generally in Ireland, North or South, have never faced a serious challenge from those seeking radical change. Several factors have played a part in this and this article focuses on one of these - the power and conservatism of the Catholic Church and its influence in shaping the political landscape. Despite a decline in recent years, the Church remains influential north and south of the Border in education provision, the current debates in relation to abortion and in culturally important aspects of life - baptism, communion and burial. In the past the Church’s political influence among Ireland’s majority Catholic community had been even more pronounced. The article begins by looking at the Church’s attitude to revolutionary change in Ireland historically before focusing on its influence in the North during the Stormont years and during the more recent ‘Troubles’ – 1969 - 98. It shows how the Church attempted to influence political thought and discourse in Ireland when it was at the height of its power. Whilst it is true that the Church was not a monolith, and there have always been individual priests who have adopted a more radical approach, the general thrust of the Church was conservative, attempting to ally itself with the power elites of the day where possible. It is this influence which appears to have stood the test of time despite attempts in past generations to radicalise the Irish population.

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Vladimir S. Soloviev (1853-1900) était un philosophe russe, poète et dissident de la période prérévolutionnaire. Comme celle de beaucoup de ses contemporains prérévolutionnaires russes, la pensée de Soloviev fut constamment sollicitée par la réfection imminente de l’État russe dans un futur très proche. Dans le contexte de cette époque, un examen des fondements théoriques du système juridique était peut-être inévitable. Néanmoins, dans la pensée russe, c’est seulement avec Soloviev que le droit cessa d’être un sujet spécialisé dans le domaine de l’administration, ne concernant guère les grands enjeux de société, et devint intimement lié au développement même de la philosophie morale et sociale. Au sein du projet philosophique systématique que propose Soloviev, le concept de l’unitotalité est envahissant, en termes épistémologique et social. Une pierre d’assise également fondamentale est le concept philosophico-religieux de la divino-humanité, à travers lequel la source de la dignité humaine est ultimement exprimée. La philosophie juridique de Soloviev, contenue pour l’essentiel dans un traité intitulé La Justification du bien : essai de philosophie morale (1897), a pour principal objet l’interaction entre le droit et la morale. Alors que l’objet et la portée du droit peuvent être directement déduits de principes moraux, le droit ne peut pas coïncider exactement avec la morale, compte tenu de son caractère plus limité, fini et coercitif. Pour Soloviev, le droit doit imposer un niveau minimum du bien en fournissant les conditions de base (par ex. la primauté du droit, le droit à une existence digne, la liberté de conscience) pour le libre développement des facultés humaines sans transposer directement en lui la plénitude complète du bien. La principale motivation de Soloviev réside dans la prémisse théologique sous-jacente que le bien ne peut jamais être complètement subsumé sauf par un acte conscient de liberté personnelle. En tandem, Soloviev souligne le rôle progressiste de l’État pour favoriser le libre perfectionnement humain. En tant que tel, Soloviev nous fournit certaines voies innovatrices dans le façonnement de la relation tant théorique que pratique entre le droit et la religion. À l’encontre d’un compromis entre objets, c’est-à-dire un arrangement de type interculturel situé entre fragmentation culturelle (multiculturalisme idéologique) et assimilation antireligieuse (laïcité militante), l’analyse de Soloviev présente la nécessité d’une conciliation temporelle, dans une perspective historique beaucoup plus large, où la laïcité est considérée non pas comme une finalité ontologique en soi, figée dans le temps, mais comme un moyen au service d’une destinée humaine en cours d’actualisation. Le cadre philosophico-juridique de Soloviev peut être utilement mis en dialogue avec des auteurs contemporains comme Stephen L. Carter, Charles Taylor, John Witte Jr, Ronald Dworkin et Jürgen Habermas. La contribution potentielle de Soloviev sur la place de la religion dans la société russe contemporaine est également mentionnée, avec un accent particulier sur le réexamen critique de l’héritage durable de la notion byzantine de la symphonie entre l’Église et l’État. Enfin, une théorie du fédéralisme inspirée par Soloviev est développée en appliquant, sur une base comparative, des avancées théoriques dans le domaine de l’histoire juridique global à l’évolution constitutionnelle du Canada et d’Israël.

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This research explores whether civil society organizations (CSOs) can contribute to more effectively regulating the working conditions of temporary migrant farmworkers in North America. This dissertation unfolds in five parts. The first part of the dissertation sets out the background context. The context includes the political economy of agriculture and temporary migrant labour more broadly. It also includes the political economy of the legal regulations that govern immigration and work relations. The second part of the research builds an analytical model for studying the operation of CSOs active in working with the migrant farmworker population. The purpose of the analytical framework is to make sense of real-world examples by providing categories for analysis and a means to get at the channels of influence that CSOs utilize to achieve their aims. To this end, the model incorporates the insights from three significant bodies of literature—regulatory studies, labour studies, and economic sociology. The third part of the dissertation suggests some key strategic issues that CSOs should consider when intervening to assist migrant farmworkers, and also proposes a series of hypotheses about how CSOs can participate in the regulatory process. The fourth part probes and extends these hypotheses by empirically investigating the operation of three CSOs that are currently active in assisting migrant farm workers in North America: the Agricultural Workers Alliance (Canada), Global Workers’ Justice Alliance (USA), and the Coalition of Immokalee Workers (USA). The fifth and final part draws together lessons from the empirical work and concluded that CSOs can fill gaps left by the waning power of actors, such as trade unions and labour inspectorates, as well as act in ways that these traditional actors can not.

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Feminist movements have allowed many female authors to become decisive and influential figures in literary history by studying their experiences, voices and forms of resistance. This thesis, however, focuses specifically on religious women, those seeking divine comfort outside the confines of institutional laws, or those who, out of protest, are caught in the middle. Founded on historical and feminist perspectives, this study examines the heterodox resistance of six French women living within or outside of Church boundaries during the 17th and 18th centuries: two eras that are particularly significant for women’s progress and modernity. This work strives to demonstrate how these women, doubly subjected to Church discourse and that of society, managed to live out their vocation (female and Christian) and make social, cultural and religious statements that contributed to changing the place of women in society. It aims to grasp the similarities and differences between the actions and ideas of women belonging to both the religious and secular spheres. Regardless of the century, the space and their background, women resist to masculine, patriarchal, ecclesial, political and social mediation and institutions. In locating examples of how they oppose the practices, rules and constraints that are imposed upon them, as well as of their exclusion from the socio-political space, this thesis also seeks to identify epistemological changes that mark the transition from the 17th to the 18th century. This thesis firstly outlines the necessary feminist theory upon which the project is based before identifying the evolution of women’s positions within the socio-ideological and political framework in which they lived. The questions of confession and spiritual direction are of particular interest since they serve as prime examples of masculine mediation and its issues and consequences – most notably the control of the female body and mind. The illustration of bodily metamorphoses bear testament to ideological changes, cultural awareness and female subjectivity, just as the scriptural inscriptions of unorthodox ideas and writing. The female body, both object and subject of the quest for individual and collective liberties, attests, in this way, to the movement towards Enlightenment values of freedom and justice.

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This paper explores the ways in which the construction of militarized masculinities in Cold War Canadian media reflected the hegemonic masculinities and broader social trends of the period. This paper focuses specifically on the recruiting materials produced for and by the Canadian Army between 1956 and 1959, the time of the Suez Canal Crisis and the beginnings of “Canadian peacekeeping.” Through the mobilization of modern and anti-modern masculine identities attached to hegemonic and idealized Cold War Canadian masculinities, the Army created the image of the “Modern Warrior” to portray itself as an occupation and culture for “real Canadian men.” This identity simultaneously corresponded with Canadas new “peacekeeping” identity. By presenting certain images of Canadian manhood as the “ideal” Canadian identity and by associating this “ideal” masculinity with military service, the Army’s recruitment advertisements conflated Cold War rhetoric of service, defence, national citizenship, cultural belonging, and “ideal” ethnicity with a Canadian identity available only to a specific (and often exclusive) segment of society. Because military service has long been considered the crux of citizenship, these advertisements (re)entrenched patterns of middle-class, heterosexual, Anglo- Saxon masculine power and dominance in a time of social uncertainty and cultural anxiety through the reaffirmation of this group’s “privilege” to serve the nation.

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Globalization and the knowledge/ information revolution are signalling the advent of a new societal order, one with profound and pervasive implications for citizens, for markets, for governments and, therefore, for public policy. This new global order is a truly remarkable watershed in the annals of human history and, as is the case with all such great transformations, it carries with it both enormous opportunities and daunting challenges. Building on my 1999 Mabel Timlin Lecture at the University of Saskatchewan, I want to share with you my perspectives on the nature of some of these opportunities and challenges, with an eye toward drawing out the implications for the evolution of the Canadian society and economy.