Autoritäre Regime, Parlamente und die Wahrung von Menschenrechten : eine empirische Untersuchung

Der bei weitem überwiegende Teil der autoritären Regime weltweit verfügt mittlerweile über formal-demokratische Institutionen, wie Parlamente und Wahlen. Die Einführung solcher Institutionen soll unter anderem eine Entwicklung in Richtung Demokratie andeuten oder vortäuschen und so den internationalen und innenpolitischen Druck auf die jeweilige Regierung vermindern. Diese Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, ob von diesen formal-demokratischen Institutionen eine Wirkung auf das Regierungshandeln ausgeht und die Menschenrechtslage im Land durch sie verbessert wird. Zunächst werden autoritäre Regime unter Verwendung des minimalistischen Ansatzes von Cheibub et al. definiert. Anschließend werden aus den bisherigen Erkenntnissen der Forschung zur Rolle von formal-demokratischen Institutionen in autoritären Regimen Hypothesen zum Zusammenhang zwischen diesen Institutionen und repressivem Regierungsverhalten abgeleitet, die mit Hilfe einer empirische Analyse von Zeitreihen-Querschnittsdaten aus sämtlichen autoritären Regime zwischen 1979 und 2004 getestet werden. Die Ergebnisse zeigen unter anderem, dass mit steigender Kompetitivität der Parlamentswahlen die Wahrscheinlichkeit drastischster Menschenrechtsverletzungen sinkt. Zudem finden sich Anzeichen dafür, dass es zu weniger Menschenrechtsverletzungen kommt, je geringer die Zersplitterung der Oppositionsparteien ist, während mit einer Zunahme der formalen Kompetenzen der Parlamente das Repressionsniveau steigt.

Gray matter volume differences specific to formal thought disorder in schizophrenia

Formal thought disorder (FTD) is one of the main symptoms of schizophrenia. To date there are no whole brain volumetric studies investigating gray matter (GM) differences specifically associated with FTD. Here, we studied 20 right-handed schizophrenia patients that differed in the severity of formal thought disorder and 20 matched healthy controls, using voxel-based morphometry (VBM). The severity of FTD was measured with the Scale for the Assessment of Thought, Language, and Communication. The severity was negatively correlated with the GM volume of the left superior temporal sulcus, the left temporal pole, the right middle orbital gyrus and the right cuneus/lingual gyrus. Structural abnormalities specific for FTD were found to be unrelated to GM differences associated with schizophrenia in general. The specific GM abnormalities within the left temporal lobe may help to explain language disturbances included in FTD.

Things Fall Apart: Dictatorships, Development, and Democracy in Africa

Recent events in Africa provide evidence of the failure of dictatorships to meet the needs of citizens and serve to debunk a number of development theory assumptions: that democratization is culturally determined, that democratization will follow economic development, and that dictatorships tend to produce durable, stable development. Therefore, the attempt to achieve development without democratization is risky and potentially very costly. We argue that dictatorship in Africa serves a function akin to Myrdal's backwash effects, thwarting economic progress in a cumulative and circular way, and that democratization must become a necessary criterion of engagement with African countries.

Does Satisfaction with Democracy really increase Happiness? Direct Democracy and Individual Satisfaction in Switzerland

This paper takes the influential “direct democracy makes people happy”-research as a starting point and asks whether direct democracy impacts individual satisfaction. Unlike former studies we distinguish two aspects of individual satisfaction, namely satisfaction with life (“happiness”) and with how democracy works. Based on multilevel analysis of the 26 Swiss cantons we show that the theoretical assumption on which the happiness hypothesis is based has to be questioned, as there is very little evidence for a robust relationship between satisfaction with democracy and life satisfaction. Furthermore, we do not find a substantive positive effect of direct democracy on happiness. However, with respect to satisfaction with democracy, our analysis shows some evidence for a procedural effect of direct democracy, i.e. positive effects related to using direct democratic rights, rather than these rights per se.