Scientist-friendly policies for non-native English-speaking authors: timely and welcome

That English is the lingua franca of today's science is an indisputable fact. Publication in English in international journals is a pre-requisite for a research paper to gain visibility in academia. However, English proficiency appears to be taken for granted in the scientific community, though this language can be a hurdle for a number of authors, particularly from non-native English-speaking countries. The influence of English proficiency on the publication output of Brazilian authors has never been assessed. We report our preliminary data on the relationship between the English proficiency of 51,223 researchers registered in the CNPq database and their publication output in international journals. We have found that publication rates are higher for those authors with good command of English, particularly written English. Although our research is still underway and our results are preliminary, they suggest that the correlation between written English proficiency and research productivity should not be underestimated. We also present the comments of some Brazilian scientists with high publication records on the relevance of communication skills to the scientific enterprise.

Punaisten naisten tiet. Valtiorikosoikeuteen vuonna 1918 joutuneiden Porin seudun naisten toiminta sota-aikana, tuomiot ja myöhemmät elämänvaiheet

Suomen sisällissotaan osallistui vuonna 1918 naisia molemmin puolin rintamaa erilaisissa tehtävissä. Taisteluiden jälkeen yli 5500 punaista naista joutui valtiorikosoikeuteen syytettynä valtiopetoksellisesta toiminnasta. Ne noin 2000 naista, jotka palvelivat punakaartissa aseistettuina, ovat pitkään hallinneet sitä kuvaa, joka suomalaisilla on ollut punaisista naisista. Sen sijaan on tiedetty hyvin vähän niistä naisista, joiden valkoiset katsoivat edistäneen valtiopetosta muilla keinoilla. Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan, millaisia olivat Porin seudulla ne kapinasta syytetyt naiset, jotka eivät olleet tarttuneet aseisiin ja mikä oli heidän myöhempi kohtalonsa. Työn ensimmäisessä osassa tutkitaan valtiorikosoikeuteen joutuneiden naisten taustaa, toimintaa sota-aikana ja tästä aiheutuneita välittömiä seuraamuksia. Millaisia henkilöitä päätyi valtiorikosoikeuden eteen tuomittavaksi? Millaisissa tehtävissä he olivat sota-aikana toimineet ja miksi? Mitkä seikat olivat oikeudessa raskauttavia, kun valtiorikostuomioita jaettiin? Työn jälkimmäisessä osassa tutkitaan, mitä punaisille naisille tapahtui sodan jälkeen ja miksi näin kävi. Sisällissodan jälkeistä maailmaa hahmotetaan etsimällä vastauksia seuraaviin kysymyksiin: Millainen oli se yhteiskunnassa vallinnut ajan henki, jonka vaikutuspiiriin naiset valtiorikosoikeudesta ja vankilasta palasivat? Miten yhteisö otti heidät vastaan? Miten heihin suhtauduttiin työmarkkinoilla? Miten käsiteltiin punaisia leskiä ja orpoja? Mitä punaisilta odotettiin kansalaisina ja miten heistä pyrittiin muokkaamaan yhteiskuntakelpoisia? Miten poliittisen elämän uudelleenvirittely onnistui ja kiinnostiko se enää näitä naisia? Miten suomalaisen yhteiskunnan muuttuessa myös sen suhtautuminen punaisiin muuttui? Millaisilla toimilla valtiovalta pyrki eri vaiheissa yhtenäistämään rikkirevennyttä kansaa ja miten se näkyi yksittäisten ihmisten elämässä? Ajan kuluessa asenteet muuttuivat ja naiset vanhenivat. Miten naiset kuvasivat kokemaansa myöhemmin omaisilleen? Kysymyksiä pohditaan paikallisesta, Porin seudun näkökulmasta, mutta niitä peilataan kuitenkin jatkuvasti valtakunnalliseen tilanteeseen. Kontekstualisoi- malla paikalliskokemukset laajempaan kokonaisuuteen on voitu paremmin selittää tapahtunutta, ja paikallistutkimuksen kautta on nähty myös koko maassa vallinneita yleisiä olosuhteita. Tutkimuksen kohteena on 267 Porista, Porin maalaiskunnasta ja Ulvilasta kotoisin olevaa naista, jotka joutuivat valtiorikosoikeuden tutkittaviksi. Keskeisimpänä lähdeaineistona ovat seurakuntien rippikirjat ja maistraattien henkikirjat sekä Kansallisarkiston, Kansan arkiston ja Työväen arkistojen sisällissotaa ja sen jälkeistä poliittista elämää valottavat kokoelmat. Tutkimuksen naisista enemmistö oli 18−37-vuotiaita työläisnaisia. Aiemmin rikoksista tuomittuja heidän joukossaan oli hyvin vähän. Suurin osa (n. 71 %) työskenteli punakaartin huollossa keittiö-, siivous- ja vaatetusosastoilla. Noin 21 % työskenteli sairaanhoidossa, ja loput kahdeksan prosenttia olivat punakaartin hallintoa avustavissa muissa tehtävissä. Naiset saivat pääosin lieviä, 2−3 vuoden ehdollisia tuomioita. Vain joka kymmenes nainen tuomittiin ehdottomaan rangaistukseen. Punakaartiin vasta pakomatkalla liittyneet ja kaartissa vähäisissä tehtävissä lyhytaikaisesti toimineet henkilöt vapautettiin syytteistä. Tutkimuksessani olen osoittanut, millaisia vaikeuksia paluu sodanjälkeiseen arkeen tuotti naisille. Varsinkin yksin lastensa kanssa jääneillä oli monenlaisia ongelmia. Sodan aikana levitetty propaganda oli osaltaan lisäämässä vaikeuksia. Toisaalta työtilanne parantui monen naisen osalta jo vuoden 1918 aikana, ja oman punaisen yhteisön tarjoama tuki helpotti arjesta selviytymistä. Elämä tasaantui, naiset perustivat perheitä ja osa palasi työelämään ja politiikkaan. Säilyneiden lähteiden valossa sisällissota näyttäisi radikalisoineen vain pienen osan naisista, kun taas enemmistö kannatti maltillisia sosialidemokraatteja tai jäi kokonaan pois politiikasta. Punaiseksi leimautuminen valtiorikosoikeudessa ei pakottanut naisia muuttamaan uudelle paikkakunnalle; Porin seudulla ja yleensä vielä omassa suvussakin oli riittävästi entisiä punaisia luomassa kollektiivista tukea. Myös valtiovalta pyrki rauhoittamaan poliittista tilannetta ja sopeuttamaan punaisia yhteiskuntaan monin uudistuksin. Naisten kannalta merkittävin myönnytys tapahtui jatkosodan aikana, kun punalesket lopulta oikeutettiin valtiollisen eläkkeen piiriin. Tämä tutkimus on ensimmäinen punaisista naisista laadittu eräänlainen kollektiivinen elämäkerta, jossa on tarkasteltu heidän sodanjälkeistä elämäänsä. Yhteenvetona voidaan todeta, että Porin seudulta valtiorikosoikeuteen joutuneet naiset olivat tavallisia työläisnaisia. Sota ja osallisuus siihen ei tätä asiaa muuttanut. Naiset sopeutuivat yhteiskuntaan nopeasti ja elivät pääosin tavallista työläisperheen arkea sodan jälkeenkin.

Joblessness

The paper is divided into three parts, and a summary at the end. Part one explains how policies conditioned by historical circumstances moved away from the objective of high employment. Part two deals with the theoretical controversies in support or against particular policies. Part three sets out the basics in theory needed for a high employment policy. The paper concludes with a summary suggestion of some operational steps and observations.

National exchange rate policies and international debt crises: how Brazil did not follow Argentina into a default in 2001-2002

This paper examines how exchange rate policies and IMF Stand-By Arrangements affect debt crises using econometrics and a comparison between Argentina and Brazil. It refines an existing diagram outlining crisis development to propose crisis prevention strategies. Flexible exchange rate policies reduce a country's probability of default by over 4%, but Stand-By Arrangements increase it by an inconsequential percentage. Unlike Argentina, Brazil avoided a default via a freely-floating exchange rate system, fiscal deficit reduction, and a cooperative and coordinated relationship with the IMF. The results provide policymakers from developing countries with lessons to manage their countries' default risks more effectively.

Did ISI fail and is neoliberalism the answer for Latin America? Re-assessing common wisdom regarding economic policies in the region

The second phase of Import Substituting Industrialization, commonly known as ISI2, involved the move in Latin America to "heavy" industrialization, from around 1950-80. This period of economic history has been reviled on both the Left and the Right as being one of either heightened dependency or one demonstrating the clear failure of state intervention in the economy. In this research note, a basic statistical analysis is used to back up other descriptive claims that the ISI2 period was rather one of mixed success, with macroeconomic volatility accompanying great progress in GDP and manufacturing growth. In a sense, the ISI2 period succeeded in industrializing the large economies of the period, and contrasts favorably with the record of the succeeding paradigm of neoliberalism. This research note seeks to raise questions about the way we look at the historical period of ISI2, and suggests that a more open-minded perspective could lead to a more effective and sustainable political economy paradigm for the region in the future.

Trabalho infantil e o status ocupacional dos pais

Child labor and the parents' status of employment. The objective of this paper is to verify the hypothesis of the effect of the status of employment of the head of the family on the occurrence of child labor, as well as to analyze other characteristics which can influence such behavior. A probit model was used to realize the statistical tests. The results ratify the hypothesis proposed that the families whose head works as an independent worker show higher probability for the occurrence of child labor than those whose head works as a formal salaried worker. Among other results, it must be highlighted, making simulations, that increasing parents' schooling is more efficient than augmenting income to reduce the use of child labor. These results endorse the proposition that the status of employment should be used, complementing the criteria of income per capita, to select families in the cash transfers programmes or others to eradicate child labor.

Resuming growth in Latin America: short and long term policies

The authors of this paper assert that the paralysis of the state generated by the crises of the 1970s and 1980s deprived the economies of the region of an important lever to resume and sustain growth. They thus maintain that to overcome stagnation it will be necessary to reconstruct the state's capacity to implement pro-growth policies. Following Keynes and Kalecki's ideas, but also classical development economists, the authors argue, first, that short-term macroeconomic policies, to reduce unemployment and to increase the degree of capacity utilization, should be used to promote the generation of profits to firms and to wake up entrepreneurs' animal spirits. Short-term expansionary policies should be coupled with measures to improve competitiveness and avoid balance of payments problems. They also claim that alternatives to the liberal programme will fail unless a pro-growth strategy is adopted which includes both short- and long-term policies. They thus propose that long-term policies must complete the package, signaling: a) sustained increases of effective demand in the future; and b) investment priorities to ensure that capacities will be created in strategic sectors and branches of the economy.

Liberal versus neo-developmental convention to growth: why has Brazil shown a poor performance since the 1980s?

The main goal of our paper is to provide analytical arguments to explain why Brazil has not been able to restore its long-term capacity for economic growth, especially compared with its economy in the 1950-1979 period (7.3 per cent per year on average) or even with a select number of emerging economies in the 1980-2010 period(6.7 per cent per year on average, against 2.3 per cent per year on average in Brazil in the same period). We build our idea of convention to growth based on the Keynesian concept of convention. For our purposes, this concept could be briefly summarized as the way in which the set of public and private economic decisions related to different objectives, such as how much to produce and invest, how much to charge for products and services, how to finance public and private debt, how to finance research and development, and so on, are indefinitely - or at least until there is no change- carried out by the political, economic and social institutions. This analytical reference can be connected to the Neo-Schumpeterian National Innovation System (NIS) concept, which emphasizes not only institutions associated with science and technology per se, but also the complex interaction among them and other institutions. In this paper we identify two conventions to long-term growth in the last three decades in Brazil: the liberal and the neo-developmental. We show that the poor performance in the Brazilian economy in terms of real GDP growth from the 1980s on can be explained by a weak coordination between short-term macroeconomic policies and long-term industrial and technological policies. This weak coordination, in turn, can be associated with the prevalence of the liberal convention from the 1990s on, which has emphasized price stabilization to the detriment of a neo-developmental strategy whose primary goal is to sustain higher rates of growth and full employment in Brazil.

Economic stagnation in the United States: underlying causes and global consequences

This paper analyzes the causes of the slow recovery of the US economy since the financial crisis and Great Recession of 2008-9. Fallen house values and excessive household debts continue to depress consumer spending, while corporations are failing to invest in spite of record profits. The increasingly unequal distribution of income limits demand, while long-term structural transformations continue to erode employment creation. An expansionary monetary policy has been incapable of sparking a more robust recovery and fiscal policy has been shifted to an austerity stance. In this context, Brazil and other emerging market nations cannot count on the United States to continue to be the leading source of global demand as it was in previous decades.

The geographic dynamics of industry employment in Brazilian metropolitan areas: lessons for São Paulo

ABSTRACTWe discuss historic trends in large metropolitan areas in Brazil showing that manufacturing has decreased its share in the country but the movement was, in general, more intense in large metropolitan areas and particularly in the São Paulo Metropolitan Area (SPMA). This movement was more intense in the 1980s and in the first half of the 1990s. From mid 1990s up to the end of the 2000s, the manufacturing share trend became flat. We speculate that the first period reflects the exhaustion of the process of import substitution that took place in the previous three decades (1950 to 1980). The second period, from 1993 to 2009, is representative of a new model of growth and the evidence that manufacturing share became flat is reinforcing the idea of a new period in terms of manufacturing employment. While concentration has risen from 1996 to 2005, it decreased again in the second half of the first decade of the 2000s. The SPMA reinvented itself very quickly from late 1970s to mid-2000s.

On the creative economy chain in Brazil: potential and challenges

ABSTRACT The article presents an analysis of the Creative Economy in Brazil, showing its development potential for the generation of income and employment, in order to the country's development resumption. They are initially presented concepts and features of the Creative Economy for, in sequence, to analyze the economic development profile and potential of this industry in Brazil. The empirical part introduces some methodological aspects, in continuing with the analysis of the creative chain contribution to the generation of Value Added and employment in the country, and a vision of their foreign trade.potential. Finally, the challenges to the implementation of public policies are investigated.

A study on the role of the parent in educational decision making from the perspective of parents and teachers

ADeweyan (1916) democratic theoty ofeducation called for the participation ofall citizens in deliberating important educational issues to improve overall student learning. Thus, the move to include parents in educational decision making can be considered to be rooted in democratic principles. To gain greater insight into the issue ofparent involvement in educational decision making, one elementary school was studied and a triangulization method was employed in an attempt to clarify the important issues surrolUlding the move to include parents in the governance ofschools. The three methods to gain information included surveys, interviews, and documentation ofsignificant school events and related work. All ofthe parents and teachers ofthe school were surveyed, 10 parents and 6teachers were interviewed, and related school events were recorded. The survey design was modeled on the Parent Involvement Questionnaire (PIQ) created and reported on by Chavkin and Williams (1987). The results ofthe surveys were used as a guide for the interview questions. An interview outline was developed based on Seidman's (1991) open-ended approach and Patton's (1980) standardized open-ended interview style in which parents and teachers were asked about their experiences and opinions on anmnber ofparent involvement issues. Parents and teachers in this school indicated agreater interest in becoming more aware ofeducational issues such as school budget and school discipline policies. Although the parents indicated agreater interest in school matters and the teachers indicated awillingness to include parents in school matters, both the parents and teachers in this study perceived the role ofthe parent as advisory, not decision making. It was concluded that to ensure ameaningful and functional role for parellts as tlleir p811icipatioll ill educational matters evolves, SCllools must have a clear vision ofthe primary goal ofall schools, namely, to foster and nourish democratic citizens for ademocratic society (Glickman, 1993). Furthennore, intentional practices such as Purkey's (ad) 5-P Relay approach, based on a democratic theory and practice of education, will have to be employed in order to give parents an authentic voice in educational matters and provide an avenue for parents to acquire the necessary skills and lmowledge needed to do so. As schools, school boards, and the Ministry ofEducation implement parent involvement guidelines and policies, developmental needs ofeach school need to be considered to ensure the employment ofdemocratic practices not authoritarian mandates. Parent interest and involvement, at whatever level, should be an important element in the overall move to make schools part ofthe democratic society they were meant to be.

National energy policies of the Federal Republic of Germany and Canada in the 1970s and 1980s: are economic and/or environmental concerns responsible for change?

The thesis presents a comparison of the national energy policies of the Federal Republic of Germany and Canada from 1973 until the late 1980s. The purpose of this paper is to analyze whether economic and/or environmental concerns were responsible for changes in the· West-German and Canadian national energy policies. Furthermore, the feasibility of implementing a soft energy path in West-Germany and Canada is examined. For better comprehension of the policy-making process and implemented changes in the national energy policies of the two states, the West-German and Canadian parliamentary systems and the political cultures were compared. For the analysis, several events with international impact were taken as guidelines. Furthermore, based on statistical data, the West-German and Canadian energy production and consumption were analyzed. With reference to these results the degree of the de facto changes in the national energy policies were analyzed. In addition, the thesis discusses the possibilities which a soft energy path offers to both national governments to renounce themselves from the dependencies on a few energy resources. The thesis reveals that changes in the West-German and Canadian national energy policies, in their energy production and consumption are correlated to various world events. In particular, governmental reponses security of energy supply by the two international oil crises of 1973 and 1979/1980 demonstrate that changes in the West-German and Canadian national energy policies were implemented in reaction to economic concerns than environmental ones. With the policies "away from oil" and "off oil", the West-German and Canadian government implemented the i i substitution of oil through various diverse energy supply resources. However, energy savings concepts and policies were initiated through the first oil crisis in 1973. The world recessions in 1975 and 1982 had no 'profound impacts on the agenda of West-German and Canadian energy policies. As a consequence of the stagnation or the negative growth of the world economic market, changes in their energy production and consumption can be perceived. However, the West-German and Canadian energy production and consumption intensified with the augmentation of the world economy. During the period of study, environmental concerns were taken into account in the energy policy agendas of the Federal Republic of Germany and Canada but they were not of primary concern. wi thin the decade of. the 1980s notably more environmental considerations were taken into account in the energy policies of the two states. The two nuclear reactor accidents in 1979 and 1986 sharpened to various degrees West-German and Canadian public discourse of present energy supply mix and attitude towards energy production and consumption. The statistical data reflects yet no changes in the energy policies in regard to the position of nuclear power. However, in the next several years possible changes can be observed through statistical data, because the planning, the construction and possible phase out of nuclear power requires several years. Finally, the thesis reveals that the implementation of a soft energy path requires profound changes in the consumer behaviour. As several studies indicate, a soft energy path is technological and economically feasible for the Federal Republic of Germany and Canada, its implementation remains to be a political decision.