959 resultados para Driver Assistance


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The EU enlargement engine seems to have run out of political steam. Support within the member countries for future enlargement is at all-time low, while some of the candidate countries have also seemed to put the enlargement process on the backburner. However, at least rhetorically, the EU is still committed to the enlargement process and maintains its entire enlargement tool box, such as the Instrument for Pre-Accession (IPA) – one of the most important EU external financial instruments. The new IPA regulation (IPA II), adopted in March 20141, clearly reflects the fact that the enlargement process is on a holding pattern.

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This commentary finds that after four to five years of poor performance, final consumption of households is expected to recover significantly in 2015 and 2016. This is all the more important since final consumption of households was the main driver of economic growth during the 12 years preceding the financial crisis. Some obstacles still stand in the way, however, preventing a sustainable recovery in private consumption.

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There are a lot of myths surrounding the bailout money that was given to Greece. Many people still believe that the money never went to the Greek people, but to the Greek and European banks; that the intervention of the euro-area governments and the IMF dealt almost exclusively with the Greek debt; that very little money was used to finance Greek public expenditure; that most Greek debt was reimbursed; that no cuts were made to the stock of Greek government bonds on the market; and, finally, that so far, no cuts have been made to the debt of the Greek state towards the euro-area countries. In this Discussion Paper, Fabio Colasanti debunks some of those myths by taking stock of the numbers behind the financial support given to Greece by the countries of the euro-area and the IMF. Examining the three bailout programmes in detail, he discusses the reasons for and against a restructuring of the Greek public debt in 2010, its implementation in 2012, the degree in which the Greek debt towards the euro-area countries has already been cut, and the scope for further cuts. Finally, the paper explains how both issues were and are still dominated by internal political considerations, both in the creditor countries and in Greece.

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This paper studies eight countries in which the regulation of unemployment benefits and related benefits and the concomitant activation of unemployed individuals has a multi-tiered architecture. It assesses their experiences and tries to understand possible problems of ‘institutional moral hazard’ that may emerge in the context of a hypothetical European Unemployment Benefit Scheme.

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Since the Arab uprisings of 2011, European Union (EU) assistance has nominally targeted more resources to supporting democracy movements in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. The EU has better equipped itself institutionally, financially and conceptually, by strengthening its bottom up grassroots approach to democracy support; resources earmarked for supporting civil society have been increased, the budget for the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) has been beefed up, and the strengthened EU Delegations have be come more empowered to reach out to groups at the local grass roots level behind democracy activities; The European Endowment for Democracy (EED) was created with the mandate to support individuals and organizations in neighbouring countries that work for democracy. Whether this translates into a more effective strategy for democracy support, however, remains to be seen. In this report, Rosa Balfour, Francesca Fabbri and Richard Youngs present a detailed overview of the support given to civil society in the MENA region by the EU, with a special focus on the various financial instruments used.

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Various field experiments were conducted to examine the influence of social status on aggression in road traffic. Horn-honking response times of subjects blocked by an experimental car at traffic lights were considered to be an indicator of the degree of aggression. During an initial experiment, the status of the frustrator was varied and an inverse relation was observed between status and aggression towards the frustrator. On the other hand, in a more recent experiment higher status aggressors were found to behave more aggressively. In our study we combined the two designs, i.e., we varied the status of the frustrator and at the same time measured the status of the aggressor. Neither results of the former experiments could be replicated, but we observed a reduction in aggression when frustrator and aggressor were of similar social status.

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Studies of international production acknowledge that the ability of firms to learn, upgrade and innovate in global value chains (GVCs) is influenced by knowledge flows within these global networks and by the national institutional systems in which the firms are embedded. Little is known, however, about how differences in national innovation and business systems shape the way firms and national economies insert themselves in global value chains and how this influences their upgrading trajectories. Based on a review of the existing academic literature, the chapter examines the impact of national innovation and business systems from middle-income and developing countries on learning and innovation processes in services GVCs.

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Prepared by Cynthia Norris Graae, Program analyst, Office of Federal Civil Rights Evaluation.

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Latest issue consulted: 1945/90.

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"PN-AAL-026"--Cover.