851 resultados para Donner Party.


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During a 4-month period, July 2nd 2014 to November 1st 2014, Canadian physiotherapy (PT) professionals were solicited for participation in an empirical cross-sectional online survey questionnaire. Our research team was interested in exploring the ethical challenges encountered in the interactions between PT professionals and third party payers. Analysis of the survey will be disseminated through scientific publications. The purpose of this report is to give detailed results relevant to your provincial association.

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During a 4-month period, July 2nd 2014 to November 1st 2014, Canadian physiotherapy (PT) professionals were solicited for participation in an empirical cross-sectional online survey questionnaire. Our research team was interested in exploring the ethical challenges encountered in the interactions between PT professionals and third party payers. Analysis of the survey will be disseminated through scientific publications. The purpose of this report is to give detailed results relevant to your provincial association.

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During a 4-month period, July 2nd 2014 to November 1st 2014, Canadian physiotherapy (PT) professionals were solicited for participation in an empirical cross-sectional online survey questionnaire. Our research team was interested in exploring the ethical challenges encountered in the interactions between PT professionals and third party payers. Analysis of the survey will be disseminated through scientific publications. The purpose of this report is to give detailed results relevant to your provincial association.

Relevância:

20.00% 20.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

During a 4-month period, July 2nd 2014 to November 1st 2014, Canadian physiotherapy (PT) professionals were solicited for participation in an empirical cross-sectional online survey questionnaire. Our research team was interested in exploring the ethical challenges encountered in the interactions between PT professionals and third party payers. Analysis of the survey will be disseminated through scientific publications. The purpose of this report is to give detailed results relevant to your provincial association.

Relevância:

20.00% 20.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

During a 4-month period, July 2nd 2014 to November 1st 2014, Canadian physiotherapy (PT) professionals were solicited for participation in an empirical cross-sectional online survey questionnaire. Our research team was interested in exploring the ethical challenges encountered in the interactions between PT professionals and third party payers. Analysis of the survey will be disseminated through scientific publications. The purpose of this report is to give detailed results relevant to your provincial association.

Relevância:

20.00% 20.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

During a 4-month period, July 2nd 2014 to November 1st 2014, Canadian physiotherapy (PT) professionals were solicited for participation in an empirical cross-sectional online survey questionnaire. Our research team was interested in exploring the ethical challenges encountered in the interactions between PT professionals and third party payers. Analysis of the survey will be disseminated through scientific publications. The purpose of this report is to give detailed results relevant to your provincial association.

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In this paper, we describe a decentralized privacy-preserving protocol for securely casting trust ratings in distributed reputation systems. Our protocol allows n participants to cast their votes in a way that preserves the privacy of individual values against both internal and external attacks. The protocol is coupled with an extensive theoretical analysis in which we formally prove that our protocol is resistant to collusion against as many as n-1 corrupted nodes in the semi-honest model. The behavior of our protocol is tested in a real P2P network by measuring its communication delay and processing overhead. The experimental results uncover the advantages of our protocol over previous works in the area; without sacrificing security, our decentralized protocol is shown to be almost one order of magnitude faster than the previous best protocol for providing anonymous feedback.

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The importance of political parties for contemporary representative democracies is beyond dispute. Despite their significance for state-level democracy, political parties continue to be regarded as oligarchical and to be criticised because of their internal practices. For this reason, intra-party democracy (IPD) warrants in-depth analysis. This thesis investigates IPD in Turkey, primarily from the perspective of participatory democracy, with the purpose of suggesting reforms to the Turkish Political Parties Law (TPPL). Turkish political parties and Turkish party regulation provide an interesting case because there is a significant difference between mature democracies and Turkey regarding IPD regulation. IPD in established democracies has always been regarded as a private concern of parties and has been left unregulated. IPD in Turkey, by contrast, is provided for both by the constitution and the TPPL. Although IPD is a constitutional and legal requirement in Turkey, however, political parties in fact display a high level of non-democratic administration. The main reason is that the TPPL only pays lip service to the idea of IPD and requires no specific measures apart from establishing a party congress with a representative form of democracy. By establishing and holding party congresses, political parties are perceived as conforming to the requirements of IPD under the law. In addition, the contested nature of democracy as a concept has impeded the creation of efficacious legal principles. Thus, the existing party law fails to tackle the lack of IPD within political parties and, for this reason, is in need of reform. Furthermore, almost every Turkish partys own constitution highlights the importance of IPD and promises IPD. However, these declared commitments to IPD in their constitutions alone, especially in countries where the democratic culture is weak, are unlikely to make much difference in practice. Accordingly, external regulation is necessary to ensure the protection of the rights and interests of the party members with regards to their participation in intra-party decision-making processes. Nevertheless, in spite of a general consensus in favour of reforming the TPPL, a lack of consensus exists as to what kind of reforms should be adopted. This thesis proposes that reforming the TPPL in line with an approach based on participatory democracy could provide better IPD within Turkish political parties, citing as evidence comparative case studies of the participatory practices for policy-making, leadership selection and candidate selection in mature democracies. This thesis also analyses membership registration and the effect of state funding on IPD, which are highly problematic in Turkey and represent impediments to the flourishing of IPD.

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This article presents a critical discussion of Jodi Dean’s (2016) book “Crowds and Party. I pay particular attention to her discussion of crowds and the Communist Party that is influenced by psychoanalysis. Dean has put forward an important argument for the affectivity within crowds that may be transformed into a Communist Party that is characterised by a similar affective infrastructure. I suggest that Dean’s discussion of affect is slightly vague at times and may be supplemented with Sigmund Freud’s work on affect. In contrast to Dean, who stresses the collectivity and deindividuation of the crowd, I argue that the crowd needs to be thought of as a place where individuality and collectivity come together and remain in tension. Such a tension may then be managed by the Party, as Dean illustrates.

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This is a study of the Labour Party in Scotland and the loss of its traditional electoral support base. This theme is related to religion and its relevance to Scotland's identity politics. The book also assesses the significance of the Irish dimension in Scotland's political development, in particular the impact of the conflict in nearby Northern Ireland.

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The current trend in public policy is to valorise culture as a tool for social, economic and political transformation. This paper offers a direct contribution to debates that seek to unpack and problematise cities of culture. We adopt a more circumspect approach towards some aspects of the anticipated transformative powers of culture, and in particular the tendency to fetishize the economics of culture. Our empiricism is grounded in a detailed study of Derry~Londonderry as the inaugural UK City of Culture in 2013. We question whether City of Culture was ‘life and place changing’ or a ’12 month party, and reveal different interpretations of success. In our view there is more potential in viewing culture as a peace resource for overcoming divisions in a socially and culturally segregated city, rather than its ability to tackle entrenched economic problems. Moving beyond the specifics of the case study we also provide lessons for future cities of culture and more generalizable insights for the academic and policy literatures.

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This article introduces the first findings of the Political Party Database Project, a major survey of party organizations in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies. The project’s first round of data covers 122 parties in 19 countries. In this article, we describe the scope of the database, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties’ resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity regarding the core architecture of party organizations. At the same time, however, we find substantial variation between countries and party families in terms of their internal processes, with particular regard to how internally democratic they are, and the forms that this democratization takes.

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This paper is based on a qualitative study of male street-based prostitution. It suggests that the street-based sector is more varied, with sellers adopting a wider range of working practices, than is commonly acknowledged in the literature on male prostitution. Drawing on data from Manchester, England I identify a number of ‘life patterns’ among male street sellers that reflect varied working practices based on issues around rational decision-making and the sex worker’s relationship to place and environment. The discussion has implications for urban policies around street-based sex work but also for a more general understanding of male sex work in international and comparative perspective.

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Previous research claims that there has been a narrowing of distance between the Swedish political parties. Typically, such research into political distance has primarily focused on studying voters rather than the political parties themselves. In this article, the author conducts a longitudinal analysis of Comparative Manifesto Project data to determine if, and to what extent, the political parties have converged ideologically on a Left-Right continuum in the period 1991-2010. After first unraveling the concept of political distance, the author moves on to explain why the ideological dispersion of political parties is an important and consequential characteristic within party systems. Furthermore, the author argues that the Left-Right ideological scale continues to be a highly useful model with which to conceptualize and study this characteristic. The author then discusses the methodological approach and explains why quantitative manifesto data, often overlooked in favor of voter interview data, is deemed a valid and reliable material for measuring the ideological positions of political parties. The findings are that there indeed have been over all tendencies of ideological convergence between the blocs and that, in terms of how political parties are dispersed on a Left- Right ideological continuum, by 2010, the Swedish party system (the Sweden Democrats excluded) had become much less polarized than it had been in 1991.