765 resultados para Demoniac possession.


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In the late 1980s, the quilombola (or maroon) communities emerged on the Brazilian public scene. They established themselves as new collective subjects and ethnic groups, in a historical moment of sensitive political changes in several social conflicts and struggles, both in Brazil and in Latin America. Because of their socio-cultural and historical singularities, these communities have self-identified in the same collective expression and have organized in search of recognition and respect for their rights. Quilombo communities and other self-labeled as "traditional communities" seek to reaffirm their differences in opposition to a conscious colonizer cultural project and re-signify their memories and traditions, that serve as reference in the construction of alternative production projects and community organization. One of the distinguishing characteristics of this quilombola political emergence process is the territorial nature of the struggles, manifested in at least two directions: on the one hand, the struggle for legal and formal recognition of a given space, i.e., the regularization and titling of occupied territories, considering that the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 recognizes the right of these communities to the final possession of the traditional lands. On the other hand, the struggle for recognition of their territoriality in a broader sense, not necessarily restricted to the demarcated area, but as the recognition of a culture and its own way of life, that originated historically in these territories. The current accomplishments and challenges of the Brazilian quilombola communities are well exemplified by the quilombo of Acauã, in the Poço Branco municipality of Rio Grande do Norte. The last fifteen years have been marked by important changes in this community, which has gained visibility and has emerged as a new political player. Acauã identified itself as quilombola community in 2004, the same year that it formalized its political structure, through the creation of the Association of Residents of Quilombo Acauã (AMQA, in Portuguese). Also in 2004, it requested to the National Institute of Colonization and Land Reform (INCRA, in Portuguese) the opening of the process for regularization and titling of quilombo territory, which is at an advanced stage, but so far without definitive resolution. This study aims to understand the process of territorialization (struggle for territorial claim) played in the last fifteen years by the community of Acauã.

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The internalization process of the Portuguese possession in Northern Captaincies - after the Dutch eviction and the development of activities related to livestock in the backlands (Sertão) – expanded the Portuguese territory in America. This process resulted in the advancement of Portuguese conquest over the region and conflicts involving agents of colonization and indigenous groups who inhabited that space, as well as conflicts of interest of captaincy’s major social groups and the defense policies of the Portuguese territory possession. Among the rivers which run through Rio Grande captaincy’s territory, the Açu was the one that aroused conquerors and colonizers of the back lands interest, making that spatiality an area where interest and power exercises converged and generated discord. This research aims to analyze the territorial process of Assu backlands, from the pioneers, conquerors and colonizers action over the space studied, during the event known as the War of the Barbarians in Assu, conflict that ensured the integration of the area the territory and the wishes of the Portuguese crown. Thus, it will be taken as objects of study social phenomena that characterized Assu’s riverside - at the turn of the 17th to the 18th century, in a cutout that extends from 1680 to 1720 - as an area of conflicts of interest, noticeable for analysis from period documents such as records of land grants concessions, correspondence between colonial and kingdom authorities, documents from the exercise of administration of Portuguese America and legislation.

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The internalization process of the Portuguese possession in Northern Captaincies - after the Dutch eviction and the development of activities related to livestock in the backlands (Sertão) – expanded the Portuguese territory in America. This process resulted in the advancement of Portuguese conquest over the region and conflicts involving agents of colonization and indigenous groups who inhabited that space, as well as conflicts of interest of captaincy’s major social groups and the defense policies of the Portuguese territory possession. Among the rivers which run through Rio Grande captaincy’s territory, the Açu was the one that aroused conquerors and colonizers of the back lands interest, making that spatiality an area where interest and power exercises converged and generated discord. This research aims to analyze the territorial process of Assu backlands, from the pioneers, conquerors and colonizers action over the space studied, during the event known as the War of the Barbarians in Assu, conflict that ensured the integration of the area the territory and the wishes of the Portuguese crown. Thus, it will be taken as objects of study social phenomena that characterized Assu’s riverside - at the turn of the 17th to the 18th century, in a cutout that extends from 1680 to 1720 - as an area of conflicts of interest, noticeable for analysis from period documents such as records of land grants concessions, correspondence between colonial and kingdom authorities, documents from the exercise of administration of Portuguese America and legislation.

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This study argues that Chaucer's poetry belongs to a far-reaching conversation about the forms of consolation (philosophical, theological, and poetic) that are available to human persons. Chaucer's entry point to this conversation was Boethius's Consolation of Philosophy, a sixth-century dialogue that tried to show how the Stoic ideals of autonomy and self-possession are not simply normative for human beings but remain within the grasp of every individual. Drawing on biblical commentary, consolation literature, and political theory, this study contends that Chaucer's interrogation of the moral and intellectual ideals of the Consolation took the form of philosophical disconsolations: scenes of profound poetic rupture in which a character, sometimes even Chaucer himself, turns to philosophy for solace and yet fails to be consoled. Indeed, philosophy itself becomes a source of despair. In staging these disconsolations, I contend that Chaucer asks his readers to consider the moral dimensions of the aspirations internal to ancient philosophy and the assumptions about the self that must be true if its insights are to console and instruct. For Chaucer, the self must be seen as a gift that flowers through reciprocity (both human and divine) and not as an object to be disciplined and regulated.

Chapter one focuses on the Consolation of Philosophy. I argue that recent attempts to characterize Chaucer's relationship to this text as skeptical fail to engage the Consolation on its own terms. The allegory of Lady Philosophy's revelation to a disconsolate Boethius enables philosophy to become both an agent and an object of inquiry. I argue that Boethius's initial skepticism about the pretentions of philosophy is in part what Philosophy's therapies are meant to respond to. The pressures that Chaucer's poetry exerts on the ideals of autonomy and self-possession sharpen one of the major absences of the Consolation: viz., the unanswered question of whether Philosophy's therapies have actually consoled Boethius. Chapter two considers one of the Consolation's fascinating and paradoxical afterlives: Robert Holcot's Postilla super librum sapientiae (1340-43). I argue that Holcot's Stoic conception of wisdom, a conception he explicitly links with Boethius's Consolation, relies on a model of agency that is strikingly similar to the powers of self-knowledge that Philosophy argues Boethius to posses. Chapter three examines Chaucer's fullest exploration of the Boethian model of selfhood and his ultimate rejection of it in Troilus and Criseyde. The poem, which Chaucer called his "tragedy," belonged to a genre of classical writing he knew of only from Philosophy's brief mention of it in the Consolation. Chaucer appropriates the genre to explore and recover mourning as a meaningful act. In Chapter four, I turn to Dante and the House of Fame to consider Chaucer's self-reflections about his ambitions as a poet and the demands of truth-telling.

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This study approaches Óscar Romero by attending to his intimate involvement in and concern for the problematic surrounding the reform of Salvadoran agriculture and the conflict over property and possession underlying it. In this study, I situate Romero in relation to the concentration of landholding and the production of landlessness in El Salvador over the course of the twentieth century, and I examine his participation in the longstanding societal and ecclesial debate about agrarian reform provoked by these realities. I try to show how close attention to agrarian reform and what was at stake in it can illumine not only the conflict that occasioned Romero’s martyrdom but the meaning of the martyrdom itself.

Understanding Romero’s involvement in the debate about agrarian reform requires sustained attention to how it takes its bearings from the line of thinking about property and possession for which Pope Leo XIII’s 1891 encyclical Rerum novarum stands as a new beginning. The enclyclical tradition developing out of Leo’s pontificate is commonly referred to as Catholic social doctrine or Catholic social teaching. Romero’s and the Church’s participation in the debate about agrarian reform in El Salvador is unintelligible apart from it.

What Romero and the encyclical tradition share, I argue, is an understanding of creation as a common gift, from which follows a distinctive construal of property and the demands of justice with respect to possessing it. On this view, property does not name, as it is often taken to mean, the enclosure of what is common for the exclusive use of its possessors—something to be held by them over and against others. Rather, property and everything related to its holding derive from the claim that creation is a gift given to human creatures in common. The acknowledgement of creation as a common gift gives rise to what I describe in this study as a politics of common use, of which agrarian reform is one expression.

In Romero’s El Salvador, those who took the truth of creation as common gift seriously—those who spoke out against or opposed the ubiquity of the concentration of land and who clamored for agrarian reform so that the landless and land-poor could have access to land to cultivate for subsistence—suffered greatly as a consequence. I argue that, among other things, their suffering shows how, under the conditions of sin and violence, those who work to ensure that others have access to what is theirs in justice often risk laying down their lives in charity. In other words, they witness to the way that God’s work to restore creation has a cruciform shape. Therefore, while the advocacy for agrarian reform begins with the understanding of creation as common gift, the testimony to this truth in word and in deed points to the telos of the gift and the common life in the crucified and risen Lord in which it participates

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The purpose of the current study was to examine two different trajectories of sport participation and explore any similarities or differences that may result regarding per­sonal development and sport outcomes. Seventy-four youth athletes (40 “specializ­ers” and 34 “samplers”) were recruited for the current study and four measures were employed to assess sport experiences and outcomes. Discriminant function analyses revealed no differences between groups in asset possession or sources of enjoyment however, differences were reported in sport experiences and burnout. The “samplers” reported more experiences regarding the integration of sport and family as well as linkages to the community. Although the “specializers” reported higher levels of physical/emotional exhaustion than did the “samplers,” they also reported more expe­riences related to diverse peer groups. The differences highlight the importance of examining specific pathways of development in sport to gain a deeper understanding of youths’ experiences in sport.

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This dissertation examines the corpse as an object in and of American hardboiled detective fiction written between 1920 and 1950. I deploy several theoretical frames, including narratology, body-as-text theory, object relations theory, and genre theory, in order to demonstrate the significance of objects, symbols, and things primarily in the clever and crafty work of Dashiell Hammett (1894-1961) and Raymond Chandler (1888-1959), but also touching on the writings of their lesser known accomplices. I construct a literary genealogy of American hardboiled detective fiction originating in the writings of Edgar Allan Poe, compare the contributions of classic or Golden Age detective fiction in England, and describe the socio-economic contexts, particularly the predominance of the “pulps,” that gave birth to the realism of the Hardboiled School. Taking seriously Chandler’s obsession with the art of murder, I engage with how authors pre-empt their readers’ knowledge of the tricks of the trade and manipulate their expectations, as well as discuss the characteristics and effect of the inimitable hardboiled style, its sharpshooting language and deadpan humour. Critical scholarship has rarely addressed the body and figure of the corpse, preferring to focus instead on the machinations of the femme fatale, the performance of masculinity, or the prevalence of violence. I cast new light on the world of hardboiled detective fiction by dissecting the corpse as the object that both motivates and de-composes (or rots away from) the narrative that makes it signify. I treat the corpse as an inanimate object, indifferent to representation, that destabilizes the integrity and self-possession, as well as the ratiocination, of the detective who authors the narrative of how the corpse came to be. The corpse is all deceptive and dangerous surface rather than the container of hidden depths of life and meaning that the detective hopes to uncover and reconstruct. I conclude with a chapter that is both critical denouement and creative writing experiment to reveal the self-reflexive (and at times metafictional) dimensions of hardboiled fiction. My dissertation, too, in the manner of hardboiled fiction, hopes to incriminate my readers as much as enlighten them.

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Tomando como punto de partida mi colaboración en la recolección y la sistematización de datos vinculados al relevamiento territorial en distintas comunidades guaraníes del noroeste salteño, en apoyo al Programa de Relevamiento Territorial de Comunidades Indígenas (Re.Te.CI) y en el marco de la Ley de Emergencia en materia de posesión y propiedad comunitaria indígena (Ley 26.160), el presente artículo describe y analiza distintos momentos de la implementación del programa. Fundamentalmente, exploro las formas particulares que el mismo asumió en la provincia de Salta focalizándome en el Departamento General San Martín, siendo esta la región de mayor diversidad étnica de la provincia. Inspirada en la propuesta de Ferguson y Gupta (2002) de pensar al Estado como “una experiencia vivida” utilizo materiales etnográficos de tres comunidades indígenas donde se aplicó el programa de relevamiento territorial y me centro en una de ellas para pensar las formas que adopta la relación entre el Estado y los pueblos indígenas.

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A partir de los grabados publicados en las páginas de los periódicos que incluyeron humor gráfico en sus ediciones durante la Guerra del Pacífico (1879 - 1883), los caricaturistas chilenos desplegaron un discurso visual agresivo en clave patriótica y belicista, donde presentaron a sus lectores una imagen crítica y despectiva respecto de los adversarios de Chile. Recalcaron la supuesta falta de ánimo y valor combativo, ante la sola presencia de los efectivos militares chilenos tanto en el mar como en tierra. Así, la tinta y el papel, se transformaron en otra de las armas que intervinieron en el conflicto de Chile contra el Perú y Bolivia por la posesión de los ricos territorios salitreros de Tarapacá y Antofagasta. Las imágenes fueron interpretadas a partir de los postulados de la Escuela de Warburg, en especial los de Erwin Panofsky, que propone tres niveles de estudio del significado de cada obra, a saber, la “descripción preiconográfica”, luego el “estudio iconográfico” en cuanto tal y, finalmente, la “interpretación iconológica”.

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El discernimiento de espíritus ha sido a lo largo de la historia del cristianismo un mecanismo fundamental para el control del acceso al carisma. Su desarrollo ha estado profundamente ligado a los cambios en la estructura social de las iglesias. Por ello buscamos aportar nuevas miradas sobre este dispositivo, analizándolo en el contexto de las periferias cristianas. Específicamente centraremos nuestro análisis en las iglesias evangélicas aborígenes mocoví del suroeste de la provincia del Chaco en Argentina. Nos aproximaremos a estas cuestiones a partir del análisis a la estructura social de estas iglesias, sus concepciones sobre los vínculos con las potencias no-humanas, la gestión de salud y enfermedad y la experiencia del culto.

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In many advanced democracies, political scientists have lamented the rise of professional politicians as a challenge to the effective representation of diverse electorates. In contrast, their relative absence from Canadian federal politics gives rise to concerns over high levels of political amateurism among Canadian MPs. This study, thus, seeks to account for the numerical weakness of individuals with an occupational background in politics in the Canadian Parliament. It utilizes both individual-level quantitative data on MPs serving between the 35th and 41st Parliaments, inclusive, as well as material from qualitative interviews with over seventy former MPs. Conceptualizing the field of politics as a career in itself, and drawing on career development theory, the study finds that at the key stages of establishing, maintaining, and disengaging from a federal political career, there are specific challenges that are not significantly ameliorated by the possession of professional experience in politics itself. Professional politicians, therefore, have no major advantage over those with non-political occupational backgrounds in their career development. Furthermore, by acknowledging the existence of different types of professional politician, it finds that those whose primary occupational background was in politics itself to be in a distinct minority, but the extent of political amateurism is challenged by a much larger minority of MPs whose primary occupation was non-political but who still possess some secondary or electoral experience prior to entering Parliament.

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Germany, Italy and Japan were engaged in China from the turn of the 20th century to WWII. However, they formed an anti-Chinese alliance only at the final stage of their presence there, when Japan assumed an undisputed role of leader in the region. Despite its alliance with the Axis powers, Japan never implemented racial laws against the Jews in China. All of them took part in the Boxer Upraising suppression and received as a consequence extraterritorial rights and concessions. Moreover, Japan won the war against China in 1895 and transformed itself from a tributary country of China into an imperialistic power. It took possession of Taiwan and in the 1930s established a puppet government in Manchuria.Germany followed different route obtaining as indemnity for the murders of two missionaries the control of the Shandong province, which was later expanded thanks to the anti-Boxer coalition's victory. However, Germany lost all possessions when China entered WWI. The issue of Shandong was finally resolved at the Conference for Disarmament hold in Washington in 1921-2. Japan failed to gain ex-Germany territories. Finally, Italy arrived in the Far East at the turn of the century but was not very interested in the oriental colonialism to the same extent it was interested in Africa. Tianjin was its only concession in China, and it took almost a decade before a subvention to arrive from the Italian government for its development.In the 1920s and 1930s Germany and Italy engaged in successful diplomatic, commercial and military relationships with China. In fact, both were considered China's partners thanks to their experts at the service of the Chinese government. On the other hand, Japan position was opposite to them, because of its plans of aggression towards China which was to be transformed into “the natural extension” of the mainland. In 1935 Italy declared war on Ethiopia and abandoned the seat at the League of Nations. China interpreted the Italian aggression as the endorsement of Japan's politics towards China in Manchuria, and the relations between the two countries were broken off. After that Italy supported Wang Jingwei's puppet government during the Japanese occupation of China. Germany followed the same path in 1937, when it was evident that the Japanese were playing the leading role in the region, and decided to ally with Wang Jingwei too. Both Italy and Germany decided also to recognise the Manzhuguo and established diplomatic relations, definitively turning their backs on the old Chinese ally.The Rome-Berlin-Tokyo Axis sealed the alliance among the three countries, and it confirmed Japan as the leading power in the region. Nevertheless Japan did not apply the racial law against the Jews in China.

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s a signatory to the Boxer Protocol in 1901, Italy came into possession of the Tianjin concession, its only colonial possession in China. The Italian settlement was situated on the Hai River, and most of the land consisted of cemeteries and salt deposits. Italian administration of the settlement encountered many difficulties. Expropriation of land from the Chinese occupants was not easy, and it proved equally difficult to attract Italian investors. However despite the fact that Italian public opinion supported the abandonment of the concession, the Italian government was ultimately obliged to undertake a project for its urban development. Success in Tianjin became a national challenge for Italy, with the National Trust providing the necessary economic support. The history of the Italian settlement in Tianjin therefore sheds light on the politics of colonialism and on Italy's economic and political agendas at the turn of the twentieth century.

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My thesis explores the formation of the subject in the novels of Faulkner’s Go Down, Moses, Toni Morrison’s Song of Solomon, and Gloria Naylor’s Mama Day. I attach the concept of property in terms of how male protagonists are obsessed with materialistic ownership and with the subordination of women who, as properties, consolidate their manhood. The three novelists despite their racial, gendered, and literary differences share the view that identity and truth are mere social and cultural constructs. I incorporate the work of Judith Butler and other poststructuralist figures, who see identity as a matter of performance rather than a natural entity. My thesis explores the theme of freedom, which I attached to the ways characters use their bodies either to confine or to emancipate themselves from the restricting world of race, class, and gender. The three novelists deconstruct any system of belief that promulgates the objectivity of truth in historical documents. History in the three novels, as with the protagonists, perception of identity, remains a social construct laden with distortions to serve particular political or ideological agendas. My thesis gives voice to African American female characters who are associated with love and racial and gender resistance. They become the reservoirs of the African American legacy in terms of their association with the oral and intuitionist mode of knowing, which subverts the male characters’ obsession with property and with the mainstream empiricist world. In this dissertation, I use the concept of hybridity as a literary and theoretical devise that African-American writers employ. In effect, I embark on the postcolonial studies of Henry Louise Gates, Paul Gilroy, W. E. B Du Bois, James Clifford, and Arjun Appadurai in order to reflect upon the fluidity of Morrison’s and Naylor’s works. I show how these two novelists subvert Faulkner’s essentialist perception of truth, and of racial and gendered identity. They associate the myth of the Flying African with the notion of hybridity by making their male protagonists criss-cross Northern and Southern regions. I refer to Mae Gwendolyn Henderson’s article on “Speaking in Tongues” in my analysis of how Naylor subverts the patriarchal text of both Faulkner and Morrison in embarking on a more feminine version of the flying African, which she relates to an ex-slave, Sapphira Wade, a volatile female character who resists fixed claim over her story and identity. In dealing with the concept of hybridity, I show that Naylor rewrites both authors’ South by making Willow Springs a more fluid space, an assumption that unsettles the scores of critics who associate the island with authenticity and exclusive rootedness.

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En avril 1975, les Khmers rouges prennent le pouvoir du Cambodge et forcent l’évacuation presque complète des villes du pays vers les campagnes. Le régime restreint à l’extrême les droits individuels, dont la propriété privée. À la chute du régime khmer rouge en janvier 1979, le foncier urbain est en théorie détaché de tous droits antérieurs. Par une enquête historique et ethnographique menée à Battambang, ce mémoire explore comment les relations de propriété autour des ressources foncières et immobilières préexistantes de la ville se sont développées dans ce contexte. Il examine plus précisément les mécanismes d’accès et d’exclusion, issus à la fois des normes politico-légales et de la coutume, qui ont alors légitimé la propriété sur divers types de biens immobiliers situés surtout en ville. La recherche couvre une période historique allant de 1979 à 1992-1993, années de la transition du régime socialiste vers une démocratie libérale. Les résultats montrent que plusieurs logiques d’accès et de possession se sont croisées durant ces années, souvent en marge de la loi et parfois de manière conflictuelle et violente. La diversité de relations de propriété révélée par l’éclairage historique « par en bas » nuance l’idée que l’allocation de la propriété en contexte socialiste a été essentiellement chaotique et contrôlée par un État néopatrimonial. Elle nuance aussi l’idée qu’une pleine privatisation de la propriété a eu lieu au tournant des années 1990. Les nombreuses frictions qui ont résulté de cette formalisation, particulièrement entre l’État local et les petits occupants, invitent à conceptualiser la propriété de manière plus large et à repenser les penchants normatifs pour un régime foncier strict basé sur des droits de propriété individuels et exclusifs, particulièrement dans des régimes post-conflit. En outre, le mémoire sert à donner une profondeur historique à la crise foncière que connaît actuellement le Cambodge.