794 resultados para Corruption policière


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Travail dirigé présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales en vue de l’obtention du grade de Maître ès sciences (M.Sc.) en Criminologie option Sécurité Intérieure

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Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

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This dissertation examines three important issues. The first issue is about the human capital investment and entrepreneurship as a career choice. The standard human capital theory shows that firms (employees) never invest in general (firm-specific) human capital of the employee as they do not extract any return from it. However, when entrepreneurship is introduced as a career option for an innovative employee, both firm’s and employee’s human capital investments change. Employee starts investing in his firm-specific human capital to increase the probability to innovate (and to become an entrepreneur). However, the firm uses general human capital investment to reduce the risk of employee’s departure. The second issue is regarding the factors motivating entry regulations reforms and the possible nonlinear effects of entry regulation reforms. The current literature and the policy recommendations assume that these reforms have linear effects on entrepreneurship. Nevertheless, the anecdotal evidence shows that the outcomes of such reforms vary greatly from country to country. To investigate this issue, I collect a sample data on entry regulations and firm creation from World Bank. The empirical analysis indicates that the effect of entry regulation reforms depends on the pre-reform level of bureaucracy in the country. More specifically, while low-bureaucracy countries benefit from entry regulation reforms, high-bureaucracy countries do not benefit. Moreover, the probability of making a reform increases if the country has reformist neighbors, cumbersome entry regulations, high unemployment rate, or low corruption level. The last issue is related to the individual and joint effects of bureaucracy and corruption on different types of entrepreneurs. The current literature investigates these effects only on unified measures of entrepreneurship. However, entrepreneurs are very different in many senses. To address this issue, I collect the necessity-based and opportunity-based entrepreneurship data from Global Entrepreneurship Monitor. The empirical analysis yield two important results: First, bureaucracy has a direct negative (positive) effect on necessity-based (opportunity-based) entrepreneurs. Second, corruption mitigates the effect of bureaucracy for both groups of entrepreneurs. All three chapters offer useful insights and important implications to academics and policymakers.

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This article analyses the factors behind the paradoxical result of the Brazilian gun-control referendum. It adopts a qualitative approach to explore the dissemination of ideologies surrounding crime, gun control and security. For this purpose, interviews were conducted with activists involved in the referendum's campaign. The results reveal that ideologically driven campaigns in a context of corruption scandals, high levels of violence and fear influenced the result. The neoliberal discourse of individual freedoms played a role, as did the phrasing of the referendum's question, fragile confidence in public institutions and unequal campaign funding and regulation.

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In this paper the characteristics of the cyclical political polarization of the Spanish media system are defined. From this study, a prospective analysis raises doubts about this scenario remains unchanged because of the political and economic crisis. It seeks to define the role played by political and media actors in polarization focusing on the two legislatures where the tension reached higher levels (1993-1996 and 2004-2008) and compares it with the developments faced by them in the current economical and political context of crisis. To achieve these aims, it has been performed an analysis of media content (since 1993) and looked through primary sociological sources and the scientific literature about polarization. This is an exploratory, critical and descriptive case analysis.

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Quintus Curtius found in his sources a speech where a Scythian censured Alexander, followed by the King’s reply. Curtius drastically abridged this second discourse in order to highlight the criticism of the Macedonian. The Scythian’s words have a striking rhetorical language and some allusions taken from Greek literature, in addition to possible indirect references to Caligula. Curtius declares that he follows his source word-for-word aiming to justify these inconsistencies, but also trying to hide the manipulations he has done to achieve his own narrative purposes.

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The role of the planning practitioner has received considerable attention in a diverse range of theoretical and empirical debates within the broad spectrum of planning scholarship from normative debates surrounding the planner's role in society, to more empirical investigations into the skills, attributes, and evolving nature of planning practitioners. Fundamental questions surrounding the role and purpose of planners have also entered into more mainstream discussions as the democratic nature of the planning system has been consistently undermined by allegations of misconduct, corruption, and incompetence. Despite the broad range of literature and debate which centres on the role of the planner, relatively few studies have explored the views of planning practitioners themselves, making it difficult to judge whether the ideas of planning academics are actually shared by those in the field. In this paper we seek to address this particular gap and argue that such insights are critical in determining the extent to which planning practitioners serve to challenge, maintain, or reinforce existing power imbalances in the planning system. The methodology consists of a series of qualitative interviews with twenty local authority planners working throughout the Greater Dublin Area, Ireland. The results suggest that planners' self-perceptions of their role tend to reflect traditional pluralist and managerialist perspectives. More broadly, the results suggest that the role orientations of contemporary planners are being shaped by dominant discourses in current planning ideology — namely, collaborative and participatory approaches

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La Banque mondiale propose la bonne gouvernance comme la stratégie visant à corriger les maux de la mauvaise gouvernance et de faciliter le développement dans les pays en développement (Carayannis, Pirzadeh, Popescu & 2012; & Hilyard Wilks 1998; Leftwich 1993; Banque mondiale, 1989). Dans cette perspective, la réforme institutionnelle et une arène de la politique publique plus inclusive sont deux stratégies critiques qui visent à établir la bonne gouvernance, selon la Banque et d’autres institutions de Bretton Woods. Le problème, c’est que beaucoup de ces pays en voie de développement ne possèdent pas l’architecture institutionnelle préalable à ces nouvelles mesures. Cette thèse étudie et explique comment un état en voie de développement, le Commonwealth de la Dominique, s’est lancé dans un projet de loi visant l’intégrité dans la fonction publique. Cette loi, la Loi sur l’intégrité dans la fonction publique (IPO) a été adoptée en 2003 et mis en œuvre en 2008. Cette thèse analyse les relations de pouvoir entre les acteurs dominants autour de évolution de la loi et donc, elle emploie une combinaison de technique de l’analyse des réseaux sociaux et de la recherche qualitative pour répondre à la question principale: Pourquoi l’État a-t-il développé et mis en œuvre la conception actuelle de la IPO (2003)? Cette question est d’autant plus significative quand nous considérons que contrairement à la recherche existante sur le sujet, l’IPO dominiquaise diverge considérablement dans la structure du l’IPO type idéal. Nous affirmons que les acteurs "rationnels," conscients de leur position structurelle dans un réseau d’acteurs, ont utilisé leurs ressources de pouvoir pour façonner l’institution afin qu’elle serve leurs intérêts et ceux et leurs alliés. De plus, nous émettons l’hypothèse que: d’abord, le choix d’une agence spécialisée contre la corruption et la conception ultérieure de cette institution reflètent les préférences des acteurs dominants qui ont participé à la création de ladite institution et la seconde, notre hypothèse rivale, les caractéristiques des modèles alternatifs d’institutions de l’intégrité publique sont celles des acteurs non dominants. Nos résultats sont mitigés. Le jeu de pouvoir a été limité à un petit groupe d’acteurs dominants qui ont cherché à utiliser la création de la loi pour assurer leur légitimité et la survie politique. Sans surprise, aucun acteur n’a avancé un modèle alternatif. Nous avons conclu donc que la loi est la conséquence d’un jeu de pouvoir partisan. Cette recherche répond à la pénurie de recherche sur la conception des institutions de l’intégrité publique, qui semblent privilégier en grande partie un biais organisationnel et structurel. De plus, en étudiant le sujet du point de vue des relations de pouvoir (le pouvoir, lui-même, vu sous l’angle actanciel et structurel), la thèse apporte de la rigueur conceptuelle, méthodologique, et analytique au discours sur la création de ces institutions par l’étude de leur genèse des perspectives tant actancielles que structurelles. En outre, les résultats renforcent notre capacité de prédire quand et avec quelle intensité un acteur déploierait ses ressources de pouvoir.

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The global financial crisis has had innumerate outcomes around the globe. Whilst most of these are generally perceived to be negative, there are outcomes which could be considered positive for society. One such outcome is the spotlight that the financial crisis has shone on corruption within organisations and in particular, the role that destructive leaders play in the promotion of negative behaviours within organisations. This interest in identifying so-called ‘dark-side’ traits in leaders is a positive step both academically and practically. Academically, there is a limited research examining individuals with ‘dark-traits’ within organisations (Mahmut, Homewood & Stevenson, 2008). Practically, most leader derailment can be attributed to ‘dark-side’ traits and leaders with such traits are implicated in a host of issues for organisations including poor staff morale and satisfaction, bullying, poor levels of productivity, high staff turnover, unethical behaviour and even white collar crime (e.g. Boddy,2010; 2011; Lesha & Lesha, 2012; O’Boyle, Forsyth, Banks & McDaniel, 2012; Sanecka, 2013). This paper focuses on one of the ‘dark-side’ traits; psychopathy. Psychopathy is a personality disorder characterised by guiltlessness, incapacity to experience love, impulsivity, shallow emotions, superficial charm and an inability to learn from experience (Cleckley, 1941, 1982). Research has found that individuals with high levels of psychopathy can be found working within organisations and experiencing some degree of career success (e.g. Babiak, Neumann & Hare, 2010; Board & Fritzon, 2005; Boddy, 2010; Lilienfeld, Latzman, Watts, Smith & Dutton, 2014). These individuals are theoretically thought to be attracted to careers which offer power, status and monetary rewards. In particular, the finance industry has been suggested as an ideal work place for the organisational psychopath. Some authors go as far as attribute organisational psychopaths a key role in the financial crisis (Boddy, 2011). However, little research has been conducted to explore whether levels of psychopathy in employees differ across industries and what careers might be most attractive to individuals with high levels of psychopathy. This paper presents the results of a large scale survey of 265 alumni of universities in the Central England region of the UK. The survey was conducted to assess the link between levels of three factors of psychopathy (Egotism, Callousness and Antisocialism) with occupation as defined by Holland’s RIASEC model. Participants completed Brinkley, Diamond, Magaletta & Heigel’s (2008) revision of Levenson’s Self-Report Psychopathy Scale and responded to questions regarding their current occupation. Logistic regression analyses were conducted to assess whether levels of Egotism, Callousness and Antisocialism were predictive of occupation. The results showed that when compared to individuals who occupy job roles within the Social sector of Holland’s model, individuals with higher levels of psychopathy were more likely to be employed within Realistic, Investigative, Enterprising and Conventional roles. When comparing Social and Realistic roles, more Egotistical individuals were likely to be employed within Realistic roles. When comparing those employed in Social roles to Investigative, Enterprising and Conventional roles, individuals with higher levels of Antisocialism were more likely to be employed within the latter three occupations than within Social roles. This suggests that individuals with psychopathy do gravitate towards certain career paths. Social roles where job incumbents are required to be caring and interact with others to a large extent appear to be unattractive to individuals with high levels of psychopathy. Social roles are also associated with lower monetary rewards and are generally less prestigious (Henley, 2001). These individuals instead seek out occupations where there are higher levels of risk, power and reward. Roles in the Realistic category include those which include high levels of risk e.g. fighter pilot, fireman etc., (Cohen, Meir, Segal & Amar, 2003). Investigative careers hold the highest level of prestige and ranking. Enterprising roles include management positions where power is wielded over subordinates and sales roles, where customers can be manipulated (ACT, 2009). Conventional roles include those within the finance industry, which include some of the most financially lucrative positive available (Babiak & Hare, 2006). The above suggests that individuals with higher levels of psychopathy may be seeking to satisfy their self-centred natures by selecting careers which provide them with high levels of reward in one way or another. Alternatively, these individuals may select roles where their traits can be accepted. The importance of Antisocialism in predicting occupation may be testament to the importance of finding a career which ‘fits’ such traits. Antisocialism is generally associated with negative outcomes in the workplace (Ettner, MacLean & French, 2010). Therefore, finding environments tolerant of antisocial tendencies may be a priority for individuals with high levels of these traits. The results suggest that Enterprising, Investigative and Conventional work environments may be tolerant of Antisocialism in employees and Realistic environments tolerant of Egotism. Academically, the results show that there is value in studying ‘dark-side’ characteristics in organisations. Individuals with higher levels of psychopathic traits, do not appear to randomly enter employment. Instead, they appear to gravitate to careers which meet their needs and/or tolerate their traits. It is important to further explore what industries and positions are particularly attractive to individuals with higher levels of psychopathy and what makes them attractive to these individuals. Such knowledge is important for practitioners to be able to advise organisations as to the likely level of risk they face of employing organisational psychopaths and to enable organisations which are particularly attractive to highly psychopathic employees to design selection systems which detect undesirable traits in candidates. Furthermore, organisations can examine their culture to assess whether traits such as antisocialism are tolerated (or even rewarded) and what the implications of this are.

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This work aims to understand the phenomenon of corruption in the Brazilian public sphere and its implications for society. It has brought concepts of corruption, and has referred to its highest incidence in the public sphere in the three levels of government (despite its infiltration also in the privative sector) and has called attention to two subjects which intertwine public administration (as a means of ordering social life) and corruption (as a form of denial to the collective welfare). Through literature search whose analysis shows that the phenomenon contains the entire country history, from discovery to present day it was found to be common several dictatorial and democratic political regimes. Finally, it has emphasized the importance and necessity of citizen participation in process, as well as the organization of civil society and media, in addition to highlighting the relevance of autonomy and independence of Powers set for its effective confrontation and fighting

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This work aims to investigate the relationship between the entrepreneurship and the incidence of bureaucratic corruption in the states of Brazil and Federal District. The main hypothesis of this study is that the opening of a business in Brazilian states is negatively affected by the incidence of corruption. The theoretical reference is divided into Entrepreneurship and bureaucratic corruption, with an emphasis on materialistic perspective (objectivist) of entrepreneurship and the effects of bureaucratic corruption on entrepreneurial activity. By the regression method with panel data, we estimated the models with pooled data and fixed and random effects. To measure corruption, I used the General Index of Corruption for the Brazilian states (BOLL, 2010), and to represent entrepreneurship, firm entry per capita by state. Tests (Chow, Hausman and Breusch-Pagan) indicate that the random effects model is more appropriate, and the preliminary results indicate a positive impact of bureaucratic corruption on entrepreneurial activity, contradicting the hypothesis expected and found in previous articles to Brazil, and corroborating the proposition of Dreher and Gassebner (2011) that, in countries with high regulation, bureaucratic corruption can be grease in the wheels of entrepreneurship

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El interés de este trabajo, es tener la oportunidad de conocer como las organizaciones desarrollan sus programas de Responsabilidad Social Empresarial con sus empleados como grupo de interés, donde se pudo concluir que las acciones y estrategias encaminadas al desarrollo del talento humano en su vida personal, familiar y social siguen siendo actividades de cumplimiento de tipo legal que luego son presentadas como resultados de una supuesta Responsabilidad Social. Con el fin de Identificar cuál es el impacto de los programas de Responsabilidad Social Empresarial en los empleados como grupo de interés, se aplicará, el método deductivo con enfoque aplicativo de las fuentes secundarias disponibles con las que se aclararán los conceptos básicos y necesarios para familiarizarnos con el tema de estudio, además de conocer los programas de Responsabilidad Social Empresarial de tres empresas con reconocimiento y trayectoria en su gestión de la responsabilidad social empresarial: dos del sector alimentos y una del sector financiero, de esta forma se podrán identificar las actividades, procesos y aspectos prioritarios para el desarrollo y cumplimiento del objetivo general del proyecto que es determinar el impacto de los programas de Responsabilidad Social Empresarial en la calidad de vida laboral de los empleados. Encontramos en las empresas objeto de estudio que tienen un alto compromiso con la sostenibilidad de sus organizaciones y que para definir el direccionamiento estratégico han tenido en cuenta estándares internacionales en materia de sostenibilidad como son los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Mileno (ODM), donde en éste puntualmente desarrollan a través de la innovación acciones específicas a uno de los objetivos del milenio que es garantizar la sostenibilidad del medio ambiente, los compromisos del Pacto Global de las Naciones Unidas, los cuales aplican a través de los principios de conducta y acción en materia de derechos humanos, trabajo, medio ambiente y lucha contra la corrupción, los compromisos de la Conferencia de Naciones Unidas sobre Desarrollo Sostenible (Río+20), la Guía ISO 26000 quien da los lineamientos para la responsabilidad social, el estándar del Global Reporting Initiative (GRI), que orienta frente a los 54 indicadores centrales y están organizadas en tres dimensiones: ambiental, financiera y social, con esta información son empresas que trabajan para ser socialmente responsables con sus grupos de interés, pero con el grupo específico de empleados que es el impacto que se pretendía identificar, encontramos que hacen actividades y estrategias con un nivel superior en la gestión que dan cumplimiento a los emitidos por la GRI. Es importante reconocer la participación que estas empresas dan a los empleados en la construcción de las acciones de bienestar laboral, familiar y social que impactan directamente en el logro de los objetivos organizacionales al tener personal motivado en trabajo que aportan desde su acción a la sostenibilidad y permanencia de la organización.

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This study is dedicated to explain the extent to which political influence in the management of state-owned enterprises can be considered legitimate in the light of the fundamental right to good governance and corporate and public governance, for which was undertaken bibliographical and documentary research guided by the deductive method of work, in which were investigated and presented concepts and issues relating to the State, Government, politics, Public Administration, constitutional principles of Public Administration, the fundamental right to good administration, corporate and public governance and state enterprises. Based on the assumptions found in the works and consulted laws it was possible to conclude that the political influence in state-owned enterprises management can be considered legitimate in the light of the fundamental right to good governance if it promotes the public interest and the public purposes achievement, effectively, efficiently and if it preserves the citizens' rights and the principles and rules that make up the legal framework for public administration; and can be considered legitimate in the light of corporate and public governance to the extent that, in a transparent manner and according to the relevant rules, it seeks not the private benefit of politicians, but to promote the public interest or, in other words, the increase of public value produced by them, while protecting and guaranteeing the rights of its stakeholders and shareholders.

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We develop a framework for proving approximation limits of polynomial size linear programs (LPs) from lower bounds on the nonnegative ranks of suitably defined matrices. This framework yields unconditional impossibility results that are applicable to any LP as opposed to only programs generated by hierarchies. Using our framework, we prove that O(n1/2-ε)-approximations for CLIQUE require LPs of size 2nΩ(ε). This lower bound applies to LPs using a certain encoding of CLIQUE as a linear optimization problem. Moreover, we establish a similar result for approximations of semidefinite programs by LPs. Our main technical ingredient is a quantitative improvement of Razborov's [38] rectangle corruption lemma for the high error regime, which gives strong lower bounds on the nonnegative rank of shifts of the unique disjointness matrix.

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Si j'ai choisi comme sujet d'étude "Comment les services sociaux sont appliqués dans le système policier", c'est qu'à plusieurs niveaux cette institution sociale, "la police", constitue un champ privilégié d'étude pour les spécialistes des sciences sociales comme pour ceux de l'administration publique. En effet, parmi les organisations sociales ayant des buts et intérêts précis, dans des rôles spécifiques, la police est de celles qui ont été étudiées tardivement et ce, d'une manière moins approfondie que d'autres organisations comme par exemple, le scolaire, le judiciaire, et aussi le sanitaire. Cet état de choses réside dans de multiples raisons, mais l'une des plus importantes est probablement le peu de priorité accordée dans l'échelle des préoccupations sociales aux problèmes liés au fonctionnement de la police. Il est certain qu'à côté d'un intérêt purement théorique et académique, j'ai également une préoccupation pratique, car, ayant servi plus de huit ans dans les forces policières, il n'y a aucun doute que je fais passer la police dans un ordre de haute priorité dans mes préoccupations de travailleur social, comme dans celles du grand public. Je suis convaincu que les agents de contrôle social, en particulier la police et les services sociaux, exercent par leur diplomatie et par leur jugement, un pouvoir discrétionnaire indispensable qui permet d'aérer un appareil juridique surchargé. Ils deviennent, par le fait même, les pivots d'un appareil de protection sociale. C'est pourquoi, avec une prise de conscience de la police et des services sociaux face aux problèmes qui sont liés au rôle de chacun d'eux, ainsi qu'à l'exercice de leurs fonctions, on pourra peut-être rendre conscients les promoteurs de l'ordre social des valeurs qui sont en cause dans l'action policière. Il serait souhaitable qu'une évolution redéfinisse le rôle de la police dans une société démocratique, afin que de nouvelles solutions puissent apparaître dans l'intérêt du grand public. […]